On January 4, 2023, Israel’s Minister of Justice convened a press conference to announce the launch of a ‘governance reform’. The plan was presented as a unique solution to a specific Israeli crisis of governance. In reality, however, it was a textbook adoption of a pattern already seen in Poland and Hungary. Tellingly, Poland’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Paweł Jabłoński, later revealed that the Netanyahu government had consulted with his officials on the eve of the plan’s launch.

Countless books and articles have been written about the rise of populist regimes – their trends, methods, and rhetoric. Yet, Noam Gidron and Yaniv Roznai’s book, Democracy in Retreat: Populism, Polarization, and the Regime Overthrow, is undoubtedly one of the finest. Its uniqueness lies not only in its clarity but in its presentation of the Israeli experience as part of a global populist wave sweeping the world, from India to Poland and from Venezuela to Hungary. This comparative discussion clarifies the method and the true goal hidden behind the misleading title of ‘governance reform’ – a plan presented to the public as a supreme necessity where ‘the sky is the limit’.

The first part of the book describes the general populist doctrine. Essentially, it is a narrow and hollow worldview that sees politics as a battlefield between ‘the real people’ and ‘traitorous elites’ who supposedly plot to thwart the people’s will. These elites – embodied by the judiciary, legal gatekeepers, the free press, and civil society – are portrayed as a ‘Deep State’ intentionally undermining national goals. Opposite them stands the ‘Leader’, the pure expression of the people’s will, fighting these obstacles. Notably, the populist leader never strictly defines the ‘goals of the people’, and consequently, offers no clear plan to solve the actual challenges on the public agenda.

In essence, a populist regime seeks to weaken oversight mechanisms, dismantle checks and balances, abolish judicial independence, and stifle political rivals and the free press. Such regimes do not abolish democracy entirely; they leave a pale shadow of an opposition. However, in practice, it becomes the rule of a single branch of government – of which Montesquieu famously said: ‘A single power is synonymous with tyranny’.

Gidron and Roznai argue that a key ingredient for the growth of populism is ‘affective polarization’. Unlike ideological polarization, this expresses a deep, visceral resentment between political rivals. This hatred is not organic to the public; it is consciously manufactured by elected officials, as fanning the flames of tribalism serves as the fuel for the populist engine. Hatred of the rival prevents supporters from switching sides, even when their leader sins or fails. It was no accident that Donald Trump confidently declared: ‘I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters’.

The second part of the book focuses on the specific regime overhaul in Israel. It must be noted that when it comes to inciting hatred and delegitimizing political opponents, Benjamin Netanyahu is a master artist. The seeds of division were planted years ago when he famously whispered into the ear of an elderly rabbi: ‘The leftists have forgotten what it means to be Jewish’. This statement did more than equate ‘leftist’ with ‘traitor’; it effectively excluded his political opponents from the collective Israeli community. Since then, the tools of polarization have become the central pillar of the ruling party. This was proven by the words of Natan Eshel, a close Netanyahu confidant, who openly stated: ‘Hatred is what unites our camp… we managed to drive them crazy’. Indeed, as the waves of hatred intensify, so does support for the leader, even as he systematically erodes the democratic structure.

The final part of the book exposes the true goals behind Justice Minister Levin’s reform. Levin claimed his laws sought to restore the balance between branches of government and strengthen public trust in the judiciary. However, a close examination proves the opposite. For example, the proposal to change the Judicial Selection Committee to grant the government an automatic majority would turn appointments into purely political ones, hardly a move to inspire trust. Similarly, abolishing the grounds for judicial review of government actions would dismantle the very checks and balances intended to prevent executive overreach. The gap between the plan’s title and its reality invites ridicule. As Bertolt Brecht wrote in his notes to The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui: ‘The great political criminals must be exposed, and exposed above all to laughter’.

Compared to other nations experiencing similar populist waves, the Israeli public is in significantly greater danger. Unlike other democracies protected by a formal constitution, a Bill of Rights, or a clear institutional structure, Israeli democracy is partial and fragile. Despite the promises of the Declaration of Independence, a constitution was never established, individual liberties were never formally anchored, and the separation of powers is precarious. ‘Basic Laws’, intended as chapters of a future constitution, are changed based on fleeting political interests as if they were ordinary legislation. Furthermore, Israeli law still contains Mandatory-era ‘Emergency Regulations’ that grant the government vast powers unacceptable in a Western democracy. This only highlights the critical importance of the struggle for the independence of the Supreme Court, which serves as the final barrier in the defense of individual liberties.

Yet, despite Israel’s constitutional vulnerability, it possesses other unique components. Faced with a populist government whose rhetoric mirrors Europe’s far-right, stands an opposition that has often been hollow and ideologically thin. One need only remember Naftali Bennett’s 2019 slogan: ‘The High Court shackles the hands of IDF soldiers, and my mission is to liberate the IDF from the High Court’.

However, Israeli society is not Polish or Hungarian society. It is difficult to imagine that Israelis will allow their freedoms to be curtailed, certainly not by a government with such meager achievements and hollow representatives. The mass public protests prove this resilience. Above all, the retreat of democracy in Israel will inevitably impact the degree of identification with the state and the willingness of its citizens to fight for its existence, with all the dire implications that entails.

© The Times of Israel (Blogs)