In last week’s column (Indian Express, Sunday, April 14, 2024), I had rued the fact that I was unable to compare the manifestos of the Congress and the BJP. At 8.30 am on that Sunday, the BJP released its manifesto called Modi Ki Guarantee. It is now abundantly clear that BJP is no longer a political party, it is the name of a cult and, with the release of the document, cult worship has been entrenched as the ‘core’ principle of the erstwhile political party.
The document is a collection of the actions taken by the BJP-NDA government in the last 5-10 years. The BJP has re-dressed the on-going programmes with all their faults and inequities, and has vowed to press on unmindful of the social and economic situation.
Modi Ki Guarantee packs a lot of firepower of the wrong kind. At the forefront are Uniform Civil Code (UCC) and One Nation One Election (ONOE). Both, or at least one, will require major constitutional amendments; but the BJP leadership seems to be undeterred. Their first objective is to construct a political and administrative model that will vest all powers in the central government and the prime minister. The second is to homogenise the population, as far as possible, in terms of social and political behaviour. The third objective is to implement the prime minister’s ‘personal commitment’ to the so-called anti-corruption crusade that is targeted against Opposition parties and political leaders.
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The rest of Modi ki Guarantee is a tiresome repetition of the claims and boasts of the last 10 years. Old slogans have been cast aside and new slogans invented. For example, it is no longer acche din aane wale hai, it is Viksit Bharat as if a magical transformation from a developing country to a developed country had taken place in 10 years. It is a laughable claim. Let’s turn to the main promises in Modi ki Guarantee, 2024:
Uniform civil code
There are multiple civil codes in India that are legally recognised as ‘custom’. The differences in the codes of Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Parsis and Jews are well-known. The different communities have different religious festivals; different rules and customs of marriage, divorce and adoption; different rules of inheritance and succession; and different customs observed at birth and death. There are differences in family structure, food, dress and social behaviour. What is not so well-known is that within each religious group, there are numerous differences among different sections of the group.
UCC is a euphemism for homogenisation. Why should the State step in and homogenise the communities? Who or which group of men and women will be entrusted with the task of writing the uniform rules? Will such group be sufficiently representative to reflect the myriad differences among the people? Homogenisation is a mischievous attempt to cast every person in a single mould and control the lives of citizens — much the same way as China did during the Cultural Revolution and spectacularly failed. UCC is an affront to the free spirit of a human and will wipe out the celebrated ‘unity in diversity’ of India.
Reform of personal laws is necessary but the spark that will light reforms must come from within the community. State-made law can only recognise the reforms accepted or tacitly acknowledged by the community. UCC will trigger bitter debates among different communities and cultures, the debates will lead to acrimony, anger and resentment, and the resentment will turn into conflict that may become violent.
One nation one election
ONOE is a veiled attempt to wipe out regional differences, preferences and cultures. India’s democratic structure was inspired by the institutions of the United States. The United States is a federation and holds elections to the House of Representatives every two years, to the Presidency every four years, and to the Senate every six years. Simultaneous elections are not held in federal parliamentary systems such as Australia and Canada. ONOE is antithetical to the principle that the Executive government is accountable every day to the Legislature. ONOE is the government’s attempt to wrest control of the election calendar from the ECI.
Anti-corruption crusade
The objective of the so-called crusade against corruption is to destroy all Opposition parties and to put Opposition leaders out of political action. The fatal embrace of the BJP has already reduced several regional (single-state) parties to insignificance. The laws have been weaponised to deal with the Congress and the ruling regional parties. I am confident that the procedure of arrest and custody followed by the ED, NIA and NCB will be struck down some day. The crusade is not against corruption, it is for hegemony.
Why is the BJP determined to press ahead with UCC and ONOE? Because, after the construction of the Temple at Ayodhya, the BJP is in search of issues that have the potential to satisfy the majoritarian aspirations of the Hindi-speaking, conservative, tradition-bound, caste-conscious and hierarchical Hindu community in the states of Northern India. These states are the source of the political support that the RSS and BJP have gained in the last 30 years. UCC and ONOE are strategies to consolidate that political base. If the regional parties or the religious, racial and linguistic groups of India assert their linguistic or cultural identity, they will be out-voted by the electoral weight of the states of Northern India.
The Modi ki Guarantee of UCC and ONOE has sparked furious debate in the elections. I can predict what the verdict of the people of Tamil Nadu (April 19) and Kerala (April 26) will be. Of the other states, especially the Hindi-speaking, conservative and caste-conscious states of Northern India, I shall keep my fingers crossed.
In last week’s column (Indian Express, Sunday, April 14, 2024), I had rued the fact that I was unable to compare the manifestos of the Congress and the BJP. At 8.30 am on that Sunday, the BJP released its manifesto called Modi Ki Guarantee. It is now abundantly clear that BJP is no longer a political party, it is the name of a cult and, with the release of the document, cult worship has been entrenched as the ‘core’ principle of the erstwhile political party.
The document is a collection of the actions taken by the BJP-NDA government in the last 5-10 years. The BJP has re-dressed the on-going programmes with all their faults and inequities, and has vowed to press on unmindful of the social and economic situation.
Modi Ki Guarantee packs a lot of firepower of the wrong kind. At the forefront are Uniform Civil Code (UCC) and One Nation One Election (ONOE). Both, or at least one, will require major constitutional amendments; but the BJP leadership seems to be undeterred. Their first objective is to construct a political and administrative model that will vest all powers in the central government and the prime minister. The second is to homogenise the population, as far as possible, in terms of social and political behaviour. The third objective is to implement the prime minister’s ‘personal commitment’ to the so-called anti-corruption crusade that is targeted against Opposition parties and political leaders.
The rest of Modi ki Guarantee is a tiresome repetition of the claims and boasts of the last 10 years. Old slogans have been cast aside and new slogans invented. For example, it is no longer acche din aane wale hai, it is Viksit Bharat as if a magical transformation from a developing country to a developed country had taken place in 10 years. It is a laughable claim. Let’s turn to the main promises in Modi ki Guarantee, 2024:
There are multiple civil codes in India that are legally recognised as ‘custom’. The differences in the codes of Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Parsis and Jews are well-known. The different communities have different religious festivals; different rules and customs of marriage, divorce and adoption; different rules of inheritance and succession; and different customs observed at birth and death. There are differences in family structure, food, dress and social behaviour. What is not so well-known is that within each religious group, there are numerous differences among different sections of the group.
UCC is a euphemism for homogenisation. Why should the State step in and homogenise the communities? Who or which group of men and women will be entrusted with the task of writing the uniform rules? Will such group be sufficiently representative to reflect the myriad differences among the people? Homogenisation is a mischievous attempt to cast every person in a single mould and control the lives of citizens — much the same way as China did during the Cultural Revolution and spectacularly failed. UCC is an affront to the free spirit of a human and will wipe out the celebrated ‘unity in diversity’ of India.
Reform of personal laws is necessary but the spark that will light reforms must come from within the community. State-made law can only recognise the reforms accepted or tacitly acknowledged by the community. UCC will trigger bitter debates among different communities and cultures, the debates will lead to acrimony, anger and resentment, and the resentment will turn into conflict that may become violent.
ONOE is a veiled attempt to wipe out regional differences, preferences and cultures. India’s democratic structure was inspired by the institutions of the United States. The United States is a federation and holds elections to the House of Representatives every two years, to the Presidency every four years, and to the Senate every six years. Simultaneous elections are not held in federal parliamentary systems such as Australia and Canada. ONOE is antithetical to the principle that the Executive government is accountable every day to the Legislature. ONOE is the government’s attempt to wrest control of the election calendar from the ECI.
The objective of the so-called crusade against corruption is to destroy all Opposition parties and to put Opposition leaders out of political action. The fatal embrace of the BJP has already reduced several regional (single-state) parties to insignificance. The laws have been weaponised to deal with the Congress and the ruling regional parties. I am confident that the procedure of arrest and custody followed by the ED, NIA and NCB will be struck down some day. The crusade is not against corruption, it is for hegemony.
Why is the BJP determined to press ahead with UCC and ONOE? Because, after the construction of the Temple at Ayodhya, the BJP is in search of issues that have the potential to satisfy the majoritarian aspirations of the Hindi-speaking, conservative, tradition-bound, caste-conscious and hierarchical Hindu community in the states of Northern India. These states are the source of the political support that the RSS and BJP have gained in the last 30 years. UCC and ONOE are strategies to consolidate that political base. If the regional parties or the religious, racial and linguistic groups of India assert their linguistic or cultural identity, they will be out-voted by the electoral weight of the states of Northern India.
The Modi ki Guarantee of UCC and ONOE has sparked furious debate in the elections. I can predict what the verdict of the people of Tamil Nadu (April 19) and Kerala (April 26) will be. Of the other states, especially the Hindi-speaking, conservative and caste-conscious states of Northern India, I shall keep my fingers crossed.
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