This is a part of the article series Decolonial Praxis: Going Beyond Empty Words, edited by Fernando David Márquez Duarte, Dulce Alarcón Payán and Javier Daniel Alarcón Mares. Editorial and Translation Assistant: Lorenia Gutiérrez Moreto Cruz.

It has been 532 years since the beginning of the invasion by colonial empires (1492) around the world. After more than half a millennia, societies and peoples around the world still struggle against the consequences of colonial structures, which have concretized in the neocolonial capitalist system in which we live. In this edited volume, authors from different territories and ethnic groups collaborate with papers based on Decolonial Praxis, including authors from México, Peru, Brazil, and Indigenous authors from the Chontal and P'urhépecha Indigenous groups. This edited volume, through eight chapters and the Riverside Declaration on Decolonial Praxis, showcases different perspectives and research works conducted through Decolonial Praxis, plus this introduction. 

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To think of Decolonial Praxis, it is necessary to begin by acknowledging the colonial oppressions that have been imposed on different groups and communities around the world and the consequences that these oppressions have caused in different peoples and their lands; we cannot build alternative societies for the future without naming the oppressive structures and recognizing the role that colonial and neocolonial powers have played in our past and present; this is from where decoloniality arises. Moreover, to discuss what we mean by decoloniality and Decolonial Praxis is becoming more and more necessary, since the approach is getting increasingly popular, and more and more scholars are using it to describe anything and everything without really understanding and respecting where it comes from or its essence. We argue that it is necessary to step back to discuss Decolonial Praxis in depth. 

Decolonial Praxis begins with decoloniality. The base of decoloniality is in understanding colonial oppressions and how they are intertwined in order to challenge them. The colonial matrix of oppressions is composed of the coloniality of power, knowledge, being and mother nature. Coloniality of power refers to the structure imposed by western colonial empires in which a hierarchy based on race and class dominates the institutions and is perpetuated by the nation-state. Coloniality of knowledge refers to western forms of science and knowledge imposed in the “Global South” that marginalize other forms of science and saberes that do not comply with western terms. Coloniality of being refers to the dehumanization of all people that differ from the image of western colonial “modernity” and considers them inferior, which is clearly linked with the coloniality of power. Finally, coloniality of mother nature refers to the ethno- and anthropocentric ideals of colonialism, where neocolonial capitalist elites (mostly rich, white men) are considered superior. Thus, these elites appropriate, destroy and privatize all life on the planet, including animals, plants, oceans, rivers, mountains, forests, and jungles (Quijano 2000; 2015; Walsh 2007; 2008). Decoloniality then can be understood as a process of humanization and liberation of individuals and societies (in both levels) where the objective is to fight to achieve emancipation from the multiple forms of western colonial oppression (Walsh 2013, 54).

Decoloniality is a constant process rather than a stance or a moment, and it arises from the recognition and acknowledgement of colonial invasion and the establishment of oppressive structures; this movement seeks to advance towards the emancipation of colonial oppression, in order to build more just societies, while taking advantage of the achievements made against colonial structures, such as the resurgence and recognition of Indigenous cultures, the addressing of systemic racism and inequality and the strengthening of anticolonial movements around the world. However, this does not mean that there is just one definition of decoloniality. One cannot impose a universal definition of decoloniality, because that would be a form of coloniality of knowledge, but it is important to have a thorough discussion of the idea since the popularity of decoloniality is increasing. It is used more and more as a loose term to refer to anything alternative, and decoloniality goes way further that just being alternative; one can be alternative without criticizing the colonial oppressions; one can be alternative without proposing a system that is more just and humane. 

When 'decolonization ' (a term that is often used instead of decoloniality, by educational institutions) is attempted solely by academics in a 'top-down ' fashion, without collaborating with Indigenous groups and/or other oppressed groups, it can become another form of exoticization by those in power, like it is used in Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Initiatives (DEI) in many universities in the United States. Moreover, several works that self-identify as decolonial focus solely on the individual, which is antithetical to the life and thought of many Indigenous communities and other oppressed groups and is antithetical to Decolonial Praxis.

To discuss our definition of Decolonial Praxis and our stance on it not only as a theoretical issue, but as a political process, we rely on the Riverside Declaration on Decolonial Praxis, which is included an appendix to this article (see below). In Decolonial Praxis, we argue that one cannot talk about ‘decolonizing yourself’ if this is just an individualistic way of feeling good about oneself or feeling unique. Decoloniality has to be rooted in and exercised through praxis, with and from oppressed groups in a constant search for emancipation from capitalist, racist, and patriarchal oppression.

For us, Decolonial Praxis is a process of constant resistance against the colonial matrix of oppression. It is collective resistance, it is joining forces with oppressed groups or, as Enrique Dussel (2006) argues, it is finding hegemonic vindication. It is finding a common cause to fight together against the oppressors, and it is acting from solidarity with other people and groups, understanding that although a form of oppression does not directly affect you, solidarity resistance is necessary. Exercising Decolonial Praxis through collective and communal resistance is not easy. It implies going beyond sectarianism and identitarianism. It is participating in social struggles hand-in-hand with peoples and communities that do not share the same identity but decide to unite in solidarity for struggles against all colonial oppressions at the same time, seeking racial, economic and social justice. 

As scholars, the praxis element entirely shifts what we assume and understand about others and makes us more empathetic to their situations and struggles, which in turn makes our research richer and more complete. Decolonial authors not only discuss the unequal power relations in academia but also propose an important change to the role of the scholar. This is a direct critique of western scholars that show an elitist position by wanting to impose their vision of what is necessary to do to oppressed groups without going to the field first to understand their reality and perspectives. This is also a critique of those that go to 'developing ' countries and societies, believing 'they can really decide what is good and what is bad for 'developing countries'. 

This issue is not just a problem of western scholarship, but also of alienated locals in developing countries 'who, because of imperial and capitalist cosmology, were led to believe… that what is good for developed countries is good for underdeveloped' countries (Mignolo 2009: 172, 173). This is also exemplified by International Organizations (IOs) that decide what is best for the Global South, instead of recognizing the right to self-determination and recognizing that only people that live the reality of each territory every day, probably know best how to solve their issues (Merry and Wood 2015; Ojeda Medina and Villareal Villamar 2020). This point has also been made by decolonial authors from other parts of the Global South when discussing Orientalism (Said 1979), or by Godrej (2008) who bases on Gandhi's ideas to highlight the importance of being part of the causes of the oppressed groups in the field; for example, Godrej addresses the concepts of atma-darsan and satyano sakshatkar to argue that scholars had to live the journey themselves to have a real understanding of the issues and causes. This is also shown with the study of the resistance in defense of water against transnational capital in Mexicali, where oppressed groups are the ones that have to lead the discussion and frame their cause and demands with their own perspectives and cosmovision. The scholar’s role is to support their cause in the way that oppressed groups consider, where they make their voice heard and scholars pass the megaphone to them; using the platform and legitimacy of academia to let them speak and be heard (Márquez Duarte 2022). 

Decolonial Praxis challenges colonial oppression in different areas of life: generating knowledge, education, thinking, working, living, distributing resources and power, and defending the land. This article series presents diverse papers based on of some of the best works of the Decolonial Praxis Conference. It features authors from different countries: Mexico, Brazil, Peru, including Indigenous authors from the Yokot'an Indigenous group. Together, they demonstrate how Decolonial Praxis in its different forms can serve as a medium of resistance in a world marked by political, social, economic, and cultural inequalities perpetuated by a colonial conception of the world. It is composed of seven chapters, each addressing a specific topic with its own theoretical and methodological approach seeking to shed light on specific problems and situations addressed through a Decolonial Praxis perspective.

The articles that follow all understand that Decolonial Praxis is a collective effort that goes beyond individuality and sectarianism. They all understand that oppressed groups lead these efforts themselves, even where cases began as institutionalized projects or spaces. They all understand that the role of scholars is not to impose their own vision, or to stay in the elitist spaces of academic discussions, that are the most comfortable for neocolonial capitalist elites. The role of scholars is in the field with oppressed groups. Articles 1 and 2 are cases where oppressed groups themselves have led the research projects as Participatory Action Research (PAR), guiding the principles and processes of the cases shown. Articles 3 through 5 showcase research that began as institutional projects but were appropriated by participants, turning them from processes that........

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