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To be sure, there was once a time when destroying Obamacare, a.k.a. the Affordable Care Act, was a winning issue for Republicans. For the first few years after the marquee health-care law passed in 2010, many voters despised it. The law’s favorability was underwater in almost every poll for the first six years of its existence.

Such disdain had relatively little to do with what the law actually did. Yes, there was a small slice of the population angered by the loss of cheap, threadbare health coverage that was being phased out. A few other critics had philosophical objections to the law’s objectives — i.e., whether the government should even try to guarantee universal access to insurance, or to specific kinds of health-care services.

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But for the most part, it was the GOP’s fearmongering campaigns that gave the law a black eye. Obamacare was a technical and complicated suite of programs, and government complexity is generally an opportunity for demagogues. So demagogue Republicans did, convincing Americans that this scary new statute would kill not only jobs and federal budgets, but somehow even your beloved grandma, too. (Remember “death panels”?)

Follow this authorCatherine Rampell's opinions

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None of these things came to pass. And while the Obamacare brand might have been unpopular, most of Obamacare’s actual provisions were well-liked. Nearly every major plank of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — such as guaranteeing coverage to people with preexisting conditions, expanding Medicaid, and allowing children to stay on their parents’ insurance plans for longer — was and continues to be favored by the public.

It took a while for Americans to connect the dots between the law’s name and its popular provisions. Specifically, it took a potent threat of repeal, when Republicans gained control of the presidency in 2017 to go along with majorities in both chambers of Congress. The GOP repeatedly tried to “repeal and replace” the law, but could not come up with anything that would prevent millions of Americans from losing care.

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Ultimately, Republicans were unable to muster the votes to dislodge the ACA. What they did do was scare voters straight about what losing it would mean. Ever since these failed efforts, Obamacare has consistently garnered more favorable than unfavorable views from the public (59 percent to 40 percent in the most recent KFF poll, from May).

This has been an unequivocal boon to Democrats, who regained control of the House after the 2018 midterms largely by promising to safeguard health coverage. Red states have also increasingly been hopping on the ACA bandwagon, often as a result of popular-ballot measures to expand Medicaid.

Most Republican politicians have now figured out that talking about health care is a political liability, so they’ve shut up about it. In the 2022 midterms, for instance, health care was the second-most-frequently featured topic in Democrats’ campaign ads (behind abortion); in Republicans’ ads, health care did not even crack the top 20 issues, according to data from AdImpact.

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Trump hasn’t gotten the message, though. Over the weekend, he declared on social media that the failure to terminate Obamacare during his presidency “was a low point for the Republican Party, but we should never give up!”

Ramesh Ponnuru: Here’s why Trump should stop trying to repeal Obamacare

Trump is right about one thing: Voters remain unhappy about the health-care status quo. A majority of Americans from both parties say health costs are a major problem for the country.

Not everyone who wants insurance is able to purchase it, and many who have insurance are still struggling with out-of-pocket costs. Some of these challenges are because of shortcomings in the drafting of the ACA; others are a consequence of the GOP’s relentless sabotage efforts.

If you’re wondering who is actually trying to fix such problems, though, don’t look to Republican politicians, who remain reluctant to talk about health care even when directly asked. Definitely don’t look to Trump, whose secret plan to replace Obamacare with “something terrific,” remains, alas, perpetually two weeks away.

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Instead, look to President Biden, who’s implemented a bunch of little-noticed, technical measures to improve Americans’ access to care and lower their costs.

Biden has patched the “family glitch,” a long-standing affordability problem with employer-sponsored health plans. He has reversed some of Trump’s efforts to undermine individual-market plans. Under the president’s leadership, Congress has also expanded premium tax credits available for individual health plans. This means many more Americans do not have to pay anything for their health insurance, at least through 2025.

What’s more, stymied only by a couple of uncooperative Democratic senators, Biden brought Congress tantalizingly close last year to concluding the unfinished business of Obamacare: making eligibility for health coverage virtually universal, as is already the case in all other rich countries.

If Trump wants to make yet another election about health care, well, have at it. But if voters who appreciate the Affordable Care Act evaluate the candidates’ actual records, Biden deserves to win by a landslide.

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Unable to come up with new policy ideas, former president Donald Trump has returned to playing the greatest hits. A case in point: He is once again threatening to repeal Obamacare.

It’s hard to think of a more wrongheaded campaign promise than this, on both political and policy grounds.

To be sure, there was once a time when destroying Obamacare, a.k.a. the Affordable Care Act, was a winning issue for Republicans. For the first few years after the marquee health-care law passed in 2010, many voters despised it. The law’s favorability was underwater in almost every poll for the first six years of its existence.

Such disdain had relatively little to do with what the law actually did. Yes, there was a small slice of the population angered by the loss of cheap, threadbare health coverage that was being phased out. A few other critics had philosophical objections to the law’s objectives — i.e., whether the government should even try to guarantee universal access to insurance, or to specific kinds of health-care services.

But for the most part, it was the GOP’s fearmongering campaigns that gave the law a black eye. Obamacare was a technical and complicated suite of programs, and government complexity is generally an opportunity for demagogues. So demagogue Republicans did, convincing Americans that this scary new statute would kill not only jobs and federal budgets, but somehow even your beloved grandma, too. (Remember “death panels”?)

None of these things came to pass. And while the Obamacare brand might have been unpopular, most of Obamacare’s actual provisions were well-liked. Nearly every major plank of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — such as guaranteeing coverage to people with preexisting conditions, expanding Medicaid, and allowing children to stay on their parents’ insurance plans for longer — was and continues to be favored by the public.

It took a while for Americans to connect the dots between the law’s name and its popular provisions. Specifically, it took a potent threat of repeal, when Republicans gained control of the presidency in 2017 to go along with majorities in both chambers of Congress. The GOP repeatedly tried to “repeal and replace” the law, but could not come up with anything that would prevent millions of Americans from losing care.

Ultimately, Republicans were unable to muster the votes to dislodge the ACA. What they did do was scare voters straight about what losing it would mean. Ever since these failed efforts, Obamacare has consistently garnered more favorable than unfavorable views from the public (59 percent to 40 percent in the most recent KFF poll, from May).

This has been an unequivocal boon to Democrats, who regained control of the House after the 2018 midterms largely by promising to safeguard health coverage. Red states have also increasingly been hopping on the ACA bandwagon, often as a result of popular-ballot measures to expand Medicaid.

Most Republican politicians have now figured out that talking about health care is a political liability, so they’ve shut up about it. In the 2022 midterms, for instance, health care was the second-most-frequently featured topic in Democrats’ campaign ads (behind abortion); in Republicans’ ads, health care did not even crack the top 20 issues, according to data from AdImpact.

Trump hasn’t gotten the message, though. Over the weekend, he declared on social media that the failure to terminate Obamacare during his presidency “was a low point for the Republican Party, but we should never give up!”

Ramesh Ponnuru: Here’s why Trump should stop trying to repeal Obamacare

Trump is right about one thing: Voters remain unhappy about the health-care status quo. A majority of Americans from both parties say health costs are a major problem for the country.

Not everyone who wants insurance is able to purchase it, and many who have insurance are still struggling with out-of-pocket costs. Some of these challenges are because of shortcomings in the drafting of the ACA; others are a consequence of the GOP’s relentless sabotage efforts.

If you’re wondering who is actually trying to fix such problems, though, don’t look to Republican politicians, who remain reluctant to talk about health care even when directly asked. Definitely don’t look to Trump, whose secret plan to replace Obamacare with “something terrific,” remains, alas, perpetually two weeks away.

Instead, look to President Biden, who’s implemented a bunch of little-noticed, technical measures to improve Americans’ access to care and lower their costs.

Biden has patched the “family glitch,” a long-standing affordability problem with employer-sponsored health plans. He has reversed some of Trump’s efforts to undermine individual-market plans. Under the president’s leadership, Congress has also expanded premium tax credits available for individual health plans. This means many more Americans do not have to pay anything for their health insurance, at least through 2025.

What’s more, stymied only by a couple of uncooperative Democratic senators, Biden brought Congress tantalizingly close last year to concluding the unfinished business of Obamacare: making eligibility for health coverage virtually universal, as is already the case in all other rich countries.

If Trump wants to make yet another election about health care, well, have at it. But if voters who appreciate the Affordable Care Act evaluate the candidates’ actual records, Biden deserves to win by a landslide.

QOSHE - Efforts to kill Obamacare made it popular. Trump says he’ll try again. - Catherine Rampell
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Efforts to kill Obamacare made it popular. Trump says he’ll try again.

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29.11.2023

Need something to talk about? Text us for thought-provoking opinions that can break any awkward silence.ArrowRight

To be sure, there was once a time when destroying Obamacare, a.k.a. the Affordable Care Act, was a winning issue for Republicans. For the first few years after the marquee health-care law passed in 2010, many voters despised it. The law’s favorability was underwater in almost every poll for the first six years of its existence.

Such disdain had relatively little to do with what the law actually did. Yes, there was a small slice of the population angered by the loss of cheap, threadbare health coverage that was being phased out. A few other critics had philosophical objections to the law’s objectives — i.e., whether the government should even try to guarantee universal access to insurance, or to specific kinds of health-care services.

Advertisement

But for the most part, it was the GOP’s fearmongering campaigns that gave the law a black eye. Obamacare was a technical and complicated suite of programs, and government complexity is generally an opportunity for demagogues. So demagogue Republicans did, convincing Americans that this scary new statute would kill not only jobs and federal budgets, but somehow even your beloved grandma, too. (Remember “death panels”?)

Follow this authorCatherine Rampell's opinions

Follow

None of these things came to pass. And while the Obamacare brand might have been unpopular, most of Obamacare’s actual provisions were well-liked. Nearly every major plank of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — such as guaranteeing coverage to people with preexisting conditions, expanding Medicaid, and allowing children to stay on their parents’ insurance plans for longer — was and continues to be favored by the public.

It took a while for Americans to connect the dots between the law’s name and its popular provisions. Specifically, it took a potent threat of repeal, when Republicans gained control of the presidency in 2017 to go along with majorities in both chambers of Congress. The GOP repeatedly tried to “repeal and replace” the law, but could not come up with anything that would prevent millions of Americans from losing care.

Advertisement

Ultimately, Republicans were unable to muster the votes to dislodge the ACA. What they did do was scare voters straight about what losing it would mean. Ever since these failed efforts, Obamacare has consistently garnered more favorable than unfavorable views from the public (59 percent to 40 percent in the most recent KFF poll, from May).

This has been an unequivocal boon to Democrats, who regained control of the House after the 2018 midterms largely by promising to safeguard health coverage. Red states have also increasingly been hopping on the ACA bandwagon, often as a result of popular-ballot measures to expand Medicaid.

Most Republican politicians have now figured out that talking about health care is a........

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