In editing On This Day for The Irish News, I browse editions of the newspaper from 50 and 100 years ago. It is striking the number of headlines from 1974 that could just as easily be written today, half a century on.
The most obvious difference is, of course, the absence of the political violence that permeated everything in Northern Ireland in 1974. Although the violence had peaked two years earlier, there were hardly any days without the reporting of a bomb or a shooting. As with today, though, there was also no shortage of conflict around the world.
The Middle East was in turmoil after the Yom Kippur War which started in October 1973 and, although there was a ceasefire from the end of October, the fighting continued until January 1974. It took some years before a peace agreement was reached between Israel and Egypt. Despite some false dawns since, peace has never taken firm root in the Middle East, as is all too obvious today.
- Alex Kane: Who learned most from January 7, 1974?Opens in new window
- How Britain learned the lessons of the collapse of Sunningdale in 1974 – Alex KaneOpens in new window
- Safeguarding the union? History demonstrates the dangers of one-sided deals – Cormac MooreOpens in new window
In response to their support for Israel, the Arab states that made up the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) imposed oil production cuts and embargoes on Western countries, resulting in crippling price rises for consumers. This exacerbated the already strained finances of households who had to endure annual inflation increases from 5 to 15% throughout the 1970s. The Irish News regularly reported on the increasing costs of everyday goods such as bread, meat and milk, something consumers today are very familiar with.
XL bully
Alliance Party’s anti-Brexit boost bodes ill for Donaldson and DUP - Brian Feeney
Work - Dole Queue - Belfast 1974 People queuing for for unemployment and social security benefits in the Belfast suburb of Newtownbreda during tough times in 1974 keep their spirits up with a cup of tea (PA/PA)
Politics in the United States was in a state of chaos too, culminating in the resignation of Richard Nixon in August 1974, the only time to date a US president has resigned from office. Not only was the break-in at the Democratic Party offices at Watergate the reason we now have the suffix “gate” added to the end of pretty much every scandal, his leaving of office in disgrace provoked a constitutional crisis.
US President Richard Nixon was forced to resign over the Watergate scandal
Fifty years later, Donald Trump’s repulsive behaviour during and after his presidency is again stretching the robustness of the US constitution, indeed of democracy itself in America. Trump has benefited enormously from the erosion of trust that Watergate instigated between politicians and the press and public, depicting himself as an outsider railing against a corrupt establishment. Another Trump presidency could do far more damage.
Donald Trump’s behaviour during and after his presidency is stretching the robustness of the US constitution (Paul Sancya/AP)
As with today, Ulster unionists in 1974 were facing their own existential crisis. Having relinquished monopoly power, unionists were grappling with new constitutional arrangements many believed were being hoisted upon them.
From 1972 the British government introduced direct rule, with power-sharing was agreed shortly afterwards between the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the Alliance Party and the SDLP, backed by the British and Irish governments. For the first time since the establishment of Northern Ireland, the Irish government was providing direct input into northern affairs.
A power-sharing executive formed after the Sunningdale agreement lasted only month before being brought down by the Ulster Workers' Council strike
Worse still for many unionists, the Sunningdale Communique agreed in December 1973 provided for a Council of Ireland with executive powers. Opponents claimed it was a stepping stone to a united Ireland.
The largest unionist party in the north at the time, the UUP was split between those that supported Sunningdale and power-sharing and those that did not. Anti-Sunningdale unionists from the UUP, Ian Paisley’s DUP and William Craig’s Vanguard coalesced as the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) and won 11 of the 12 northern seats in the general election of February 1974 (they also won 10 of the 12 seats in the October Westminster election), fatally undermining the new government led by Brian Faulkner, who had resigned as UUP leader in early January 1974.
DEUP leader Ian Paisley (left) and Vanguard leader William Craig (right) pictured with Ulster Unionist MP Lawrence Orr on the steps of Stormont (PA/PA)
At the heart of current divisions within unionism is Northern Ireland’s place within the UK, caused in some ways by Brexit and the arrangements agreed to manage borders in and around the island of Ireland, but also by unionism’s dwindling control over the place it was originally meant to govern in perpetuity. In many ways, the choices facing Ulster unionists in 2024 are far bleaker than they were in 1974. At least then, unionists still maintained a healthy majority. Now, there may never be another unionist first minister again.
While it appears that Jeffrey Donaldson has stifled internal opposition for the time being, it will be interesting to see how unionists who oppose the “Safeguarding the Union” UK-DUP deal approach the general election expected later this year. It is not feasible to envisage them being as successful electorally as the UUUC was in the two elections of 1974 but they may split the unionist vote, which could lead to some unionist seat losses.
In many ways, the choices facing Ulster unionists in 2024 are far bleaker than they were in 1974. At least then, unionists still maintained a healthy majority
In that Westminster election overall, if the polls are correct, Keir Starmer will become only the second Labour Party leader to win an election since Harold Wilson, who ousted the Tories under Ted Heath 50 with a minority government in February 1974, followed by a slim majority in October of that year.
Keir Starmer looks set to become only the second Labour Party leader to win an election since Harold Wilson in 1974 (Maria Unger/PA)
While the February election fatally undermined the power-sharing executive, its death knell came about months later in May following the loyalist-led Ulster Workers’ Council strike. There has hardly been a bigger strike in Northern Ireland since then, until this year, when tens of thousands of workers from 16 unions protested on January 18 against stagnant pay amid a spiralling cost of living crisis.
Although there are few similarities (other than their sizes) between the two strikes, they both had a big impact on Stormont. The strike in 1974 ended power-sharing in Stormont whereas in 2024 it potentially provided the decisive nudge to the DUP that resulted in power-sharing returning to Stormont.
Both 1974 and 2024 (so far) have provided mainly bleak headlines for The Irish News, but if there is one crumb of comfort, despite the enormous challenges facing the north and the globe in 1974, things did improve, particularly for people in Northern Ireland, when peace finally prevailed. There is always hope for a better tomorrow.
login
who are we?
contact us
qosheapp
Toi Staff
Gideon Levy
Belen Fernandez
Rami G Khouri
Mort Laitner
Donald Low
Ali Fathollah-Nejad
Nikkei Editorial
Michael Kwet
visit website
