On the night of 3 to 4 December 2024, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol imposed a state of emergency and martial law across the country. However, this measure was revoked just five and a half hours later after Parliament voted against it. What led to such a peculiar and evidently losing move for the administration, and what are the likely political consequences?

Prelude

First, the Myung Tae-kyun case could serve as significant incriminating evidence, although the emergence of new evidence had strange origins and might turn out to be fake, reminiscent of the “Choi Soon-sil tablet scandal”.

Second, tensions between Yoon Suk Yeol and Han Dong-hoon, leader of the People Power Party, had worsened, increasing the likelihood that the Democratic Party, just eight votes shy of what they needed, might manage to secure the numbers.

As a result, NGOs linked to the Democrats—trade unions, university lecturers, and even Catholic priests—began loudly demanding the President’s impeachment. This led to a formal impeachment initiative being tabled in Parliament.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party was sabotaging parliamentary work, including proposing budget cuts that would hurt the President most. They halved the government’s reserve fund and imposed drastic reductions on law enforcement agencies, the Presidential Administration, and all of Yoon’s favoured initiatives—from anti-drug campaigns to a gas drilling project in the Sea of Japan. Simultaneously, they pushed for impeachment proceedings against the Defence Minister (accused of wanting to impose martial law), the Prosecutor General (for continuing investigations against Chairman Lee), and the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection (who had dared to provide evidence of Moon Jae-in’s financial misconduct).

A Coup That Went Awry

In his address to the nation, President Yoon Suk Yeol declared his intention to defend the constitutional order. However, his statements combined claims about the Democrats’ actions, which paralysed Parliament’s legislative functions, with allegations of “anti-state” and “pro-North Korean” forces. Explicitly stating that this was being done to shield Lee Jae-myung from prosecution, Yoon remarked, “The National Assembly has become a haven for criminals, paralysing the judiciary and administrative systems and attempting to overthrow the liberal democratic system through legislative dictatorship”.

This marked the first declaration of emergency martial law since December 1979, when Chun Doo-hwan seized power. Under the Constitution, the President may declare martial law in response to wartime needs, armed conflict, national emergencies, or threats to public safety and order. However, Parliament retains the authority to overturn such a decision with a simple majority vote.

The declaration was followed by a predictable set of measures: banning all political activities by the National Assembly and political parties, prohibiting “false propaganda and fake news”, as well as demonstrations, strikes, and similar actions. The media was to come under military control, while assurances were made “to minimise disruptions to civilians daily........

© New Eastern Outlook