Women’s reservation and all that jazz
On Thursday, 16 April, Tamil Nadu chief minister M.K. Stalin burnt a copy of the proposed Constitution (131st) Amendment Bill 2026 and hoisted a black flag to signal state-wide rejection of what he called a “black law” that would turn Tamils into “refugees in their own land”.
He was not alone. The southern states were united in their opposition, with Punjab’s Sukhbir Singh Badal calling the move “highly discriminatory”. Sonia Gandhi publicly called out the government’s real agenda, when she wrote in a sharply worded critique (The Hindu, 16 April), that ‘delimitation, and not reservation for women, is the real issue… [and] the plan is extremely dangerous and an assault on the Constitution itself’. Her intervention shifted the national conversation from so-called gender justice to democratic representation.
On Friday, 17 April, the Lok Sabha rejected the Bill (278 voted for, 211 against). When the government knew it wouldn’t have Opposition support and, therefore, the two-thirds majority needed to pass the Bill, what was it playing at? How does anyone trust a government that says something and does the exact opposite? Even as the Delimitation and Union Territories Bills were also withdrawn, the mystery is worth unpacking.
At first glance, the government’s move to operationalise women’s reservation ahead of the 2029 general elections appeared overdue, even welcome. A special sitting of Parliament was convened, urgency was invoked and a narrative framed around gender justice. But as the fine print of the Delimitation Bill began to be debated in Parliament, it became increasingly evident that the real story lay elsewhere.
What was presented as ‘progressive reform’ quickly started looking like subterfuge, a surreptitious gaming of the Constitution, an exercise........
