Stock taking about Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is usually done post terror-related incidents. However, when a popular leader, that too the Prime Minister of the country, visits such a region after an interval, there is an opportunity to do a more balanced examination and reflect on where we stand in a region seriously affected by externally sponsored “proxy war” for 35 years. There have been many dimensions to J&K over this period. To best understand them, the political, military, social, economic, and most importantly, the psychological domains need examination; we can also add diplomatic to the mix because much depends on external perceptions.
Of these, the psychological domain remains the most important. In 1989, when Pakistan launched its long-drawn plan of wresting J&K by triggering internal turmoil, aided by external support, the ground had been well prepared. The Army’s security-related deployment was hardly sufficient to prevent the frequent trans-LoC movement of the people who had already declared J&K a part of Pakistan.
“Kashmir banega Pakistan” was the refrain and the most popular slogan. The stark difference 35 years later and five years after the abrogation of Article 370 is that most of India and much of J&K reverberates with the other virtual slogan — “PoJK banega Hindustan”. That is the psychological change evident as one talks to Kashmiri youth now; the idea of Azadi and of Pakistan is finally receding. However, the duality in the Kashmiri mind, although seriously dented, remains, and will take time to fully neutralise.
Right from 1997, when the Army adopted a more structured approach to the doctrine of “winning hearts and minds” (WHAM), there existed only a broad understanding for such a doctrine at the national level. In the face of terror threats, it was the civil administration’s inability to effectively administer the populous rural segment that led to it falling under the ambit of the Army. Only the Army, assisted by the J&K Police, had the run of the countryside. That has largely changed under Prime Minister Modi’s passionate deliverance of urban and rural development. The transformational change in the security situation after August 2019, enabled by the Centre’s strong backing, has facilitated two things.
First, that an “all of government” approach could be truly applied, even to WHAM. In earlier years, except for a few departments of the state government, no one had a sense of commitment nor an understanding of its significance — WHAM was considered just a military commitment. PM Modi’s socio-economic outreach through deliverable development projects has managed to create far greater hope than ever before. The psychological effect of this has multiplied because of the economic abyss which exists in Pakistan. All this has been possible because of direct rule from Delhi through an astute Lieutenant Governor who has been energetic and committed, but most importantly, understands the mind of the populace. His balanced ideological orientation has been a force multiplier as has been his willingness to meet people.
Youth and women’s empowerment is half the battle and both of these have been more than adequately addressed, as is also evident from social media. The Army’s experience of outreach has been well exploited through a more integrated approach. What is even more helpful is that the Army’s “in the face” projection and involvement have taken a back seat without any perceptible loss of effectiveness. Kashmir’s youth and its aspirations are today well managed by many articulate and dynamic youth leaders, all patriots in their own right. When the PM spoke of Mahashivratri and Ramzan in the same breath and mentioned the lotus which abundantly grows in Kashmir’s many lakes, with linkage to the symbol of his party, he was only symbolically articulating the place that J&K has in the psyche of India. By speaking about Kashmir’s participation in the G20 process during India’s presidency and mentioning tourism as one of the mainstays, he again made it clear that India’s intent was to turn the region into an international tourist hub and link it to J&K’s most important industry.
Yet, even the Prime Minister knows that the story of change in Kashmir is not yet over; a great beginning has been made despite the pandemic interlude. J&K is crucial to international and regional security. There are two aspects that will continue to cause concern in the all-important security domain. The first is Pakistan, which remains committed to forces of separatism in J&K through acts of sponsored terror whenever possible, in a bid to remain relevant even in the face of a transforming region.
The second is that ideological extremism, like elsewhere, continues to remain embedded. A study of the proliferation of international conflicts and their nature reveals that an ideologically driven second cycle of global terrorism could well be triggered. J&K falls within the ambit of such a cycle. Although Pakistan is also a victim of its manipulations, its deemed leadership always perceives its own invincibility as well as India’s vulnerability. That thought process could reignite fresh fires, of which we have to be mindful. Pakistan Army’s control over Shehbaz Sharif also gives no promises of peace and it would be premature to initiate talks with Pakistan because that would mean giving it more significance than it deserves. It is the insignificance it has been driven to that has made such a difference to the psyche of the people.
Although so much has been achieved, militarily we need not indulge in rapid dilution of structures and concepts established through experience. Yet, what is evident is that J&K is ripe for meaningful politics without any sentiment for the provisions of Article 370. The latter is well and truly behind us. The words of the Prime Minister made that very clear.
The writer, a member of the National Disaster Management Authority, is former corps commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps
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Even PM knows that story of change in Kashmir is not yet over; a great beginning has been made despite pandemic interlude
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09.03.2024
Stock taking about Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is usually done post terror-related incidents. However, when a popular leader, that too the Prime Minister of the country, visits such a region after an interval, there is an opportunity to do a more balanced examination and reflect on where we stand in a region seriously affected by externally sponsored “proxy war” for 35 years. There have been many dimensions to J&K over this period. To best understand them, the political, military, social, economic, and most importantly, the psychological domains need examination; we can also add diplomatic to the mix because much depends on external perceptions.
Of these, the psychological domain remains the most important. In 1989, when Pakistan launched its long-drawn plan of wresting J&K by triggering internal turmoil, aided by external support, the ground had been well prepared. The Army’s security-related deployment was hardly sufficient to prevent the frequent trans-LoC movement of the people who had already declared J&K a part of Pakistan.
“Kashmir banega Pakistan” was the refrain and the most popular slogan. The stark difference 35 years later and five years after the abrogation of Article 370 is that most of India and much of J&K reverberates with the other virtual slogan — “PoJK banega Hindustan”. That is the psychological change evident as one talks to Kashmiri youth now; the idea of Azadi and of Pakistan is finally receding. However, the duality in the Kashmiri mind, although seriously dented, remains, and will take time to fully neutralise.
Right from 1997, when the Army adopted a more structured approach to the doctrine of “winning hearts........
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