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For example, nobody organised for a single individual to stand in front of a tank in Tiananmen Square in 1989. It happened spontaneously and became a powerful symbol of opposition to what many considered an authoritarian Chinese regime.

We saw similar moments of spontaneity during the protests in Iran earlier this year, which were brutally suppressed.

Those protests were not lawful or authorised and likely contained as much spontaneity as organisation. Yet, from a democratic perspective, very few people in Ireland would argue that such protests should not be allowed.

There has been considerable debate over the past week about protest, the right to protest, and where protest ends and becomes something else. There is also the question of representation. Some protesters claimed to represent the people of Ireland, but many of those same people would strongly dispute that claim.

Looking at the events of the past week, it is hard to say that anyone comes out of it particularly well. The Government, from a political perspective, failed on two fronts.

Firstly, Jim O'Callaghan was premature in suggesting the army would be deployed to support the Gardaí in breaking up the blockades. Secondly, by the weekend, the government effectively conceded, announcing a further €500 million package on top of the €250 million package introduced only weeks earlier.

Those protests were not lawful or authorised and likely contained as much spontaneity as organisation

Those protests were not lawful or authorised and likely contained as much spontaneity as organisation

There is no doubt that people are struggling. However, compared to the rest of Europe, Ireland’s package is now far more generous than that offered by other countries, including Spain, which is often cited as a model by left-wing parties.

The protesters, too, did not come out of this particularly well. Peaceful protest is one thing, but when protests turned into blockades, they became far more problematic.

Protesters claimed they were targeting the government by blockading ports such as Galway Port, Foynes Port, and the Whitegate oil refinery.

While they certainly put pressure on the government, they also affected the wider public, disrupting the lives of hundreds of thousands of families.

I experienced this firsthand when driving to Mayo on Saturday. Virtually every filling station in West Mayo had run out of diesel, and many had no petrol either. The same was reported in Connemara, where virtually no stations were open at the time.

Of course, truck drivers, bus drivers, and hauliers are suffering due to rising fuel prices. But this is not unique to Ireland—it is a global issue, exacerbated by tensions involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, and the potential disruption of the Strait of Hormuz.

By reducing fuel costs, the government may not be helping those most affected – the poorest households, including many elderly and marginalised people.

Had the blockades continued for a few more days, it is likely that most filling stations across the country would have run dry. At that point, any remaining public sympathy for the protesters would almost certainly have evaporated.

There are also concerns about some of the self-appointed spokespeople for the protests. None were elected or formally represented any organisation. In some cases, their views appeared to be at odds with the principles of a democratic society.

The opposition did not cover itself in glory either. Most parties expressed support for the protests, but when it came to the blockades, their responses were vague and non-committal.

The blockades were clearly illegal, yet Sinn Féin, in particular, struggled to clearly condemn them.

The blockades were clearly illegal, yet Sinn Féin, in particular, struggled to clearly condemn them.

The blockades were clearly illegal, yet Sinn Féin, in particular, struggled to clearly condemn them. To me, that amounted to trying to have it both ways. The party could have drawn a clearer distinction between peaceful protest and disruptive blockades.

In contrast, groups such as Independent Ireland and Aontú, led by Peadar Tóibín, made no such distinction. They supported both the protests and the blockades. Many may disagree with their stance, but at least it was clear.

So where does all of this leave us? Largely in the same position as before. A brief ceasefire in tensions lasted only a day and a half before talks between the US and Iran broke down.

Then came further inflammatory remarks from Donald Trump, including comments about blocking the Strait of Hormuz and controversial statements about the Pope. Predictably, oil prices surged once again.

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We are now back in a period of uncertainty regarding global oil supplies and other essential commodities. Prices are likely to remain volatile and may continue to rise in the coming weeks.

The government’s decision to delay the carbon tax increase could also prove problematic, as it may now face pressure to abandon the tax altogether – undermining its credibility on climate policy.

The key political question is this: what happens if oil prices rise to €150 or even €200 per barrel? Will the Government continue to subsidise fuel costs, or will it begin to seriously invest in alternatives such as solar and wind energy?

This highlights a broader issue in politics: short-term thinking. Too often, decisions are shaped by the next election cycle—or even the next week—rather than long-term strategy.

And finally, there is the issue of the government’s so-called “rainy day” funds. Once you start dipping into them, you quickly realise they do not last very long. We found that to our cost in 2009.

Let’s hope history doesn’t repeat itself.

Harry McGee is political correspondent of the Irish Times.

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