The U.S. Defense Department’s latest Arctic strategy, issued in July, clearly states that China is not an Arctic nation, yet it identifies China as the main challenge to U.S. interests in the region. This is the first time the Pentagon officially placed China front and center of its approach to the Arctic. China was not even mentioned in its 2013 Arctic strategy and only once in the 2016 version. In the 2019 version, under the first Trump administration, China was given a more prominent position—but not as a primary emphasis. The 2024 strategy thus reflects China’s status as the pacing challenge to U.S. national security worldwide. With the second Trump administration expected to double down on the U.S.-China strategic rivalry, this reframing of Arctic policy will likely be continued or even accelerated.

In the context of the U.S.-China superpower rivalry, it is natural and understandable that China features prominently in U.S. strategic thinking and policies on various topics and regions around the world. Nonetheless, it is widely acknowledged that global and regional power balances may differ. This means that even though China is now the pacing challenge for U.S. national security at large, its power and ability to threaten U.S. interests varies from one region to another. And indeed, the Arctic power structure differs from the global one, not least due to Russia’s dominant position.

The U.S. Defense Department’s latest Arctic strategy, issued in July, clearly states that China is not an Arctic nation, yet it identifies China as the main challenge to U.S. interests in the region. This is the first time the Pentagon officially placed China front and center of its approach to the Arctic. China was not even mentioned in its 2013 Arctic strategy and only once in the 2016 version. In the 2019 version, under the first Trump administration, China was given a more prominent position—but not as a primary emphasis. The 2024 strategy thus reflects China’s status as the pacing challenge to U.S. national security worldwide. With the second Trump administration expected to double down on the U.S.-China strategic rivalry, this reframing of Arctic policy will likely be continued or even accelerated.

In the context of the U.S.-China superpower rivalry, it is natural and understandable that China features prominently in U.S. strategic thinking and policies on various topics and regions around the world. Nonetheless, it is widely acknowledged that global and regional power balances may differ. This means that even though China is now the pacing challenge for U.S. national security at large, its power and ability to threaten U.S. interests varies from one region to another. And indeed, the Arctic power structure differs from the global one, not least due to Russia’s........

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