Since the founding of the modern Serbian state [1878], Serbia has a close and deep history with the Russian Federation, including strong cultural and historical ties. In fact, Serbia is a product of this cooperation. This has led Serbia to seek support from Russia on the international stage, especially in the United Nations Security Council, in relation to issues it considers critical for its interests, such as the Kosovo issue. However, Serbia has also had excellent relations with the Middle East, especially with France, Great Britain, Italy, etc.

Meanwhile, after the Second World War also with the USA, depending on the geopolitical interests of these countries in relation to South-Eastern Europe. Efforts to develop good relations with neighbors have been one of the priorities in Serbian foreign policy, but there are still challenges and tensions remaining. After the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, when the geopolitical redistribution of groups into separate blocs is taking shape, Serbia is faced with an alternative: with Perednimi or with Russia.

In this position for decision-making, the silhouette of the former Serbian prime minister killed in his office, Zoran Djindžić, appears in the mind’s eye of every Serbian leader. The epilogue will depend on the current developments in domestic and international politics, which will determine the evolution of Serbia’s position between Russia and the West. The December 17 elections were the turning point for an expected positioning. In this context of dramatic developments, the doctrine of the “Serbian World” has been promoted.

The term “Serb World” is not a doctrine that has an official promotion, but as such it is increasingly penetrating the political vocabulary. However, this term has several concepts and ideologies that have been described by some political figures and analysts as part of a broader approach to Serbia’s role on the international stage and its relationship with the Serbian community outside its borders. The efforts to realize the “Serbian World” is already a state political project for the realization of which the hybrid war has been selected. However, some action of real war is not excluded.

The governments of the European countries should constantly show the people that in the event of the outbreak of the second front of the war in the Western Balkans, the costs will be significantly higher for the states than what they should be for coping, respectively prevention its, especially in terms of inflation, recession, energy prices, refugees and financial sums for the army. But at the same time it must be made clear that there is a real threat to security at the European level.

This results from Vučić’s programmatic statements, which should be taken seriously. In his public appearances only during these days, as the protests of Serbian students and citizens continue in Belgrade, with emphasis on December 17, when Dodik and Mandić, with his “arms” on the ground, presented the “deep victory” of the elections by his strength political, he was de facto warning of the new phase of his political war, the realization of the “Serbian World”. But even in the letter that his puppet, Prime Minister Brnabić sent to the European institutions, he warned that he will move all possible stones to re-annex at least the north of Kosovo.

These behaviors and this letter seem to remind us of Putin’s actions before the invasion of Ukraine, especially the letter of December 17, 2021 addressed to the American administration and NATO. In that letter, Mr. Putin had called for some kind of “reversal” of changes in Central and Eastern Europe, which would correspond to a revival of Leonid Brezhnev.[1] That letter seemed to revive the doctrine: satellite states in Moscow’s exclusive sphere of influence.

But the bleak prospects if Vučić achieves his goals [the creation of the Serbian World and access to the Adriatic Sea through Montenegro…] could be ominous for the West. In this case, to the Russian project for the reconstruction of the Russian Force with war experience on NATO’s borders from the Black Sea to the Arctic Sea, in the event of its victory in Ukraine, the geographical spaces would be added as a wedge in the Western Balkans, which guarantee the Russian Fleet to land in the warm waters of the Adriatic.

The “Serbian world” in the dimensions claimed by Vučić would be a satellite the size of White Russia in Southeastern Europe. If the reoccupation of Montenegro is tolerated, then the United States will have to deploy additional, even significant, parts of its ground forces to Southeastern Europe. Serbian nationalism, being at the service of postmodern geopolitics, see for this, can be compared in its destructive dimensions in South-Eastern Europe, only to the platform of the German National Socialists and Lebensraum.

Similarly, as with the possible Russian victory in Ukraine, and with the Serbian victory in the Western Balkans, for the creation of the “Serbian World”, the United States will have to station a large number of stealth aircraft in Europe. While building and maintaining these aircraft is known to be an inherently expensive undertaking, “but the challenges in producing them quickly will force the United States to make a terrible choice between keeping enough of them in Asia to to defend Taiwan and other Asian allies and to deter or defeat a Russian attack on a NATO ally. The entire venture would gobble up entire coffers, and the cost will last as long as the Russian threat persists—potentially indefinitely.[2]

In this case, German, American soldiers may die defending the alliance in Montenegro as much as in Lithuania, even sooner than can be imagined today.

Kosovo, in this state of major geopolitical upheavals, has no choice but to........

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