One could hardly describe the Russian Orthodox Church (hereafter: ROC) as an independent institution with a clear separation from the state. It is integral to both the Kremlin’s propaganda machine in the domestic information space and to its overseas network of agents. Under the guise of religious freedom, representatives of the ROC carry out a wide range of tasks in the interests of the Russian Federation, including subversive activity, intelligence gathering, providing a platform for apologists and ideologues of Rashism, and recruitment among the local population. One of the main centres of their activity outside the Russian Federation is Jerusalem, the holiest city for Christians and Jews worldwide and the third-holiest city in Islam. Being a crossroads of the three Abrahamic religions, Jerusalem is an ideal location for expanding and spreading Russian influence on various levels. For that reason, the city and the opportunities it offers have been the object of Russian diplomatic interest for several centuries, regardless of the local regime’s attitude toward religion in general.

In order to legitimise its activities in other countries and hide behind the interests of the Orthodox Church, Russia needs religious figures “on the ground” who will serve as bridges between the ROC and local residents, religious leaders, donors, diplomats, and potential collaborators. In this article, we will examine who exactly performs this function for the Kremlin in the Holy City, and why their relationship with Russia poses a threat to both the regional and national security of the State of Israel.

Patriarch Theophilos III is the 141st Patriarch of the Holy City of Jerusalem and all Palestine, Syria, Arabia and Jordan, Cana of Galilee, and Holy Zion. He has held this position since 2005, after his predecessor, Patriarch Irenaios I, was removed first by the Synod and then by the All-Orthodox Council in Phanar (Fener) due to accusations of involvement in scandalous deals involving the sale of church real estate in East Jerusalem, in a traditionally Arab district, to an Israeli company. However, Israel’s recognition of Theophilos’s leadership over the Jerusalem Patriarchate, unlike that of Palestine and Jordan, was delayed for two years, until Greece, of which Theophilos III is a native, demanded it from the Israeli government before the Israeli Supreme Court issued a final decision on the matter.

In 2008, Theophilos III unexpectedly made some anti-Russian statements during a press conference with a Russian delegation of journalists organised by the St. Andrew the First-Called Foundation. At the time, one of the journalists asked him whether he considered it normal that the faithful of his patriarchate are Arabs while the bishops are mostly Greeks. In response, the patriarch said, “Our church has never engaged in politics or business. The Lord preserves us as the cradle of all churches… But this is Greek metaphysics, which Russians probably find difficult to understand.” He added: “We lived well and peacefully until Porfiry Uspensky, founder of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in the Holy Land, appeared here… he may be a holy man, but he poisoned our life with the poison of nationalism… Since the time of Empress Catherine, Russia’s main concern has not been the Balkans, but Jerusalem itself. Since then, nothing has changed… Russia is carrying out cultural and political aggression here.” The then editor-in-chief of “The Church Herald”, the official body under the ROC of the Moscow Patriarchate, called these statements by Theophilos “boorish and Russophobic.”

However, it would be premature to rejoice over a supposedly independent Jerusalem Patriarchate. In 2013, Theophilos received the Order of Saint Vladimir, First Class, and the Order of Glory and Honour, First Class, from the Russian Orthodox Church. In the same year, in Ukraine, which back then was ruled by a corrupt pro-Russian president, he received the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, First Class, “for outstanding ecclesiastical activity aimed at raising the authority of the Orthodoxy in the world, on the occasion of Ukraine’s celebration of the 1025th anniversary of the Baptism of Kyivan Rus’.”

In 2019, Theophilos III visited Moscow, where he met in person with the dictator of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and with Moscow Patriarch Kirill (Gundyayev).

During his visit, he proposed holding a meeting of the primates of all Orthodox churches in Amman, the capital of Jordan, to discuss “preserving unity,” for which he received support from his Russian counterparts. Immediately after the Moscow visit, the patriarch received the Order of the Bethlehem Star from the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (hereafter: IOPS), a Russian influence organisation with a branch in Jerusalem. The scheduled meeting in Amman in February 2020 was attended by only four primates: Theophilos III, Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, Patriarch Irinej of Serbia, and Metropolitan Rostislav of the Czech Lands and Slovakia, while Poland and Romania only sent some lower-level representatives. The then Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate was also represented at the meeting; it was banned in Ukraine in August 2024 because of its ties to the aggressor state.

The Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew opposed this meeting, noting in his letter to Theophilos that it “aims only to undermine the established norms of the Orthodox Church.”

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Theophilos III has repeatedly spoken in defence of the status of the ROC in Ukraine and beyond. In June 2022, he held a meeting with Russia’s ambassador to the State of Israel, Anatoly Viktorov, and the then head of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, Archimandrite Alexander, during which they discussed strengthening the unity of Orthodox believers and the issue of real estate near the Jaffa Gate of the Old City of Jerusalem, which is of interest to the Russian authorities.

In September 2025, he met with Patriarch Kirill in Astana, Kazakhstan.

Finally, on 16 November 2025, Theophilos III was again seen in the company of the Russian Federation’s ambassador to the State of Israel, Viktorov, this time at a ceremonial event of the Orthodox Community Council of the city of Lod. There, he led a festive liturgy marking the renewal of the Church of St. George. Viktorov once again used the religious platform to spread propaganda about the long-standing friendly ties between the Russian state and the Jerusalem Orthodox Church and called on the patriarch to continue supporting religious unity in the context of the far-fetched “persecutions by the Kyiv regime against the canonical Orthodox Church of Ukraine”. In a statement published on the Russian embassy’s Facebook page in Israel, he said the following:

“The Kyiv regime has made attacks on the clergy and parishioners, discrediting priests in the eyes of their flock, the closure and seizure of churches, acts of vandalism and blasphemy against holy places, a new perverse norm. Unfortunately, similar tendencies are gaining ground in the Baltic states, whose authorities are pushing structures of the Moscow Patriarchate out of public and spiritual life.”

Theophilos III is, in fact, an active opponent of the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and its separation from the Moscow Patriarchate. In September 2024, he published a statement opposing the ban on the activity of the Russian Orthodox Church on the territory of Ukraine, arguing from the perspective of freedom of religion: “There is no justification for using religious practice as a weapon, and we all must give those who wish to pray the opportunity to do so in a way that accords with their conscience. And we strongly urge the Ukrainian parliament to reconsider and repeal this law for the well-being of all people of faith in Ukraine.”

Archimandrite Vassian has been the head of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem since 2023. He is currently the main intermediary between the ROC and the Jerusalem Patriarchate.

In 1998, he graduated from Moscow Theological Seminary, and in 2002 from Moscow Theological Academy. In 2015, after 12 years as vice-rector for educational work at the Moscow Theological Academy and Seminary, he was appointed by Patriarch Kirill’s decree as his representative in the Belarusian Exarchate, where he served for 2.5 years and was elevated to the rank of archimandrite. In 2018, he was transferred to the metochion of the Russian Orthodox Church in Sofia, Bulgaria, where he became pastor. That same year, by decision of the IOPS council, headed by the former head of the Russian government, Sergei Stepashin, he was admitted to their ranks.

His subversive activity became known only in 2023, when the authorities of North Macedonia banned him from entering their territory. At the same time, three Russian diplomats were expelled from the country. The North Macedonian Foreign Ministry stated that the Russians had violated the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Soon afterwards, the authorities of Bulgaria ordered Vassian and two other staff members of the metochion to leave the country within 24 hours. The State Agency for National Security of Bulgaria said the measures were taken “in connection with activity directed against the national security and interests of the republic,” namely, activity aimed at influencing sociopolitical processes in the country in favour of the geopolitical interests of the Russian Federation. Archimandrite Vassian was then transferred to Jerusalem.

Since then, Vassian has repeatedly met with Patriarch Theophilos III to discuss strengthening cooperation between Russia and Jerusalem. In April 2024, together with his deputy, Hegumen Nikon (Golovko), he visited the Jerusalem Patriarchate, where they supposedly discussed the upcoming ceremony of the Holy Fire and the celebration of Easter. In September 2025, the same meeting reoccurred, during which “a range of issues of mutual interest and concern” was discussed.

Russia’s Role in the Holy Fire Ceremony

This year’s Easter also did not pass without the involvement of Russian clergy and diplomatic representatives.

On 11 April, the ceremony of the Descent of the Holy Fire took place. According to the Russian state news agency “RIA Novosti”, two days earlier, a delegation from the Andrew the First-Called Foundation flew from Moscow to Israel to take part in the ceremony. It was led by the chairman of the foundation’s board of trustees, Vladimir Yakunin, who is under sanctions in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, as well as Patriarch Kirill’s vicar, Metropolitan Feognost of Kashira. The Russian Federation’s ambassador to Israel, Anatoly Viktorov, was also present at the ceremony.

In the second photograph, one can see a cleric from the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem. His exact name is unknown, but he can also be spotted among the participants in the “prayer for peace,” organised the day before the ceremony personally by Theophilos III and the Andrew the First-Called Foundation, in which Viktorov also took part.

Eyewitnesses of the ceremony recall that the Russian ambassador managed to take part in processions which, as a rule, no one except the representatives of religious institutions is allowed to join. It is reported that Viktorov even entered the altar, a gross violation of all canons, and accompanied the patriarch around the Aedicule.

According to SOTA, the deputy head of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, hegumen Nikon (Golovko), compared the Descent of the Holy Fire to “driving through Berlin on a tank” during a live broadcast of the event on the Russian TV channel NTV.

Such open ties with the official representation of the terrorist regime of Russia, which is responsible not only for the illegal military aggression against Ukraine, but also for direct contacts and various forms of support for Israel’s main enemy, Iran, raise doubts about his independence from foreign intelligence influence, and directly harm contacts between him and the rest of the clergy at the highest level.

What Russia is trying to achieve now and what threats this poses for Ukraine and Israel

Ukraine knows better than anyone that Russia begins its aggression with no weapons in hand. Such tactics have long been part of the standard arsenal of both the Soviet Union and its successor state. Russian security services are actively trying to restore “ownership rights,” or rather seize, properties of the former Russian Empire. Right now, we are seeing intensified Kremlin efforts to legalise ownership rights over the Alexander Compound in the Old City of Jerusalem. It has long been of interest to the Russian government, as it is historically linked to the Russian Empire, which increased its authority in the Ottoman Empire through the construction of such centres of influence, and Jerusalem was part of that empire. Russia managed to do the same with Sergei’s Courtyard, where the IOPS Jerusalem branch is located today. The Jerusalem Patriarchate, headed by Theophilos III, may become a key ally of Russia in this process.

If Russia succeeds in obtaining ownership of the Alexander Compound, it will create a whole range of risks for both states – Ukraine and Israel. For Ukraine, this constitutes a geopolitical threat, since it could be interpreted as a symbolic legitimisation of the Russian Federation despite its aggression, war crimes, and international isolation. In addition, ownership of a site of high historical and religious significance will strengthen Russia’s ability to exert influence in the Middle East and complicate Ukraine’s diplomatic strategy in the region. Russia will also use such a transfer in their own propaganda policy, creating a narrative about international concessions in its favour, which could potentially damage Ukrainian interests in international political and religious circles. Negative effects are also possible in bilateral relations between Ukraine and Israel, where such a decision may be seen as an unfriendly step in wartime conditions, thereby complicating any further diplomatic interaction.

For Israel, these risks are no less serious. First, the decision could cause diplomatic tension with European partners, who may view the transfer of a strategically sensitive object to the Russian state as a concession to an aggressor country. From a security standpoint, the strengthening of the Russian presence in the Old City creates potential opportunities for indirect influence, political manoeuvring, and use of the site in ways contrary to Israel’s interests, especially given the Russian Federation’s active role in Syria and its cooperation with Iran. One should not ignore the domestic political dimension either: the decision could provoke criticism from the public, religious communities, and diaspora groups. In addition, there is a risk of creating a dangerous precedent in which the Kremlin would interpret such decisions as a signal that Israel is willing to make further compromises, thereby complicating a long-term policy of containing Russian influence.

The Jerusalem Patriarchate does not hide its existing ties with Russia. According to the data on its official website, Orthodox Russia traditionally supported it in matters of protecting holy sites and in relations among Christian communities. After the fall of Byzantium, Russia became the only independent Orthodox state to assume the role of protector of the Orthodox Church in Palestine. In the nineteenth century, Russia established church missions in Jerusalem, purchased land, and built several monasteries, churches, and guest houses for pilgrims. This activity continued until the First World War and the Bolshevik Revolution, when it was significantly restricted.

Today, the pilgrimage structure is managed precisely by the IOPS, which collects substantial donations for this purpose. The flows of religious tourism bring significant profit to the Jerusalem Patriarchate, and, as Radio Svoboda reports, the story of the Holy Fire was artificially “promoted” for this very purpose. This points to a certain financial dependence between the Russian state and the Israeli Orthodox religious structures. It is no secret that Russia directly “finances” the Patriarch’s projects, as he has repeatedly emphasised. There are eyewitness accounts of an unprecedented and unscrupulous transfer of funds from representatives of the Russian embassy intended for the “needs” of the patriarchate.

Perhaps for Theophilos III, this cooperation seems beneficial for global Orthodoxy and for his patriarchate, and harmless for the State of Israel as a whole, but practice shows that public figures useful to Russia in a wide variety of fields of human activity become its most devoted agents, spies, and collaborators, who, in addition, drag masses of admirers along with them.

And Israel, as a state that is so sensitive about its national security, would do well to pay attention to this close cooperation and assess the risks it may face in the future.

© The Times of Israel (Blogs)