The Pulse | Politics | South Asia

How Are Bangladesh’s Parties Allocating Reserved Women’s Seats in Parliament?

The BNP’s nomination list reflects a pointedly inclusive approach, while Jamaat’s selections reveal its alliance with the NCP is here to stay. 

The system of reserved seats for women in Bangladesh’s Parliament has long been criticized as a decorative tool used by party leaders to distribute political favors, rather than truly empowering women. Beyond gender-based empowerment, these seats also carry political significance. After the 13th national parliamentary election held in February, the allocation of the 50 seats under the women’s quota is not just a formality. It also gives an indication of the country’s political direction in the near future.

About one-and-a-half years after the July 2024 mass uprising, the national election was held on February 12 this year. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) came to power with a supermajority. In the absence of the Awami League, which fell during the uprising and has since been banned, the historically controversial but well-organized party Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has emerged as the main opposition by leading a coalition.

There are 350 seats in Bangladesh’s parliament. Of these, 300 members are directly elected by the people, as happened on February 12. The remaining 50 seats are reserved for women. These are distributed among parties in proportion to the number of seats they win (one woman’s seat for every six seats). Out of these 50 seats, the BNP-led alliance is set to get 36, and the Jamaat-led alliance 13. The one remaining seat will be chosen by independent MPs. 

The BNP and Jamaat have already submitted their candidate lists to the Election Commission. The Election Commission has announced that voting for these seats will take place on May 12. In most cases, the names submitted by the parties are elected without any real contest.

From the nomination lists, it appears that the BNP is trying to present itself as a modern, rights-friendly, and “inclusive” party both nationally and internationally. On the other hand, Jamaat-e-Islami has chosen to give a portion of these seats to its alliance partners as a strategy to maintain unity.

This time, the BNP has nominated several individuals who are not directly part of party politics. For example, the list includes Sanzida Islam Tuli, coordinator of the platform “Mayer Dak” representing families of the disappeared, who is well known to international human rights organizations. The BNP has also nominated Anna Minj, a representative of the Orao ethnic group and a senior official of the international NGO BRAC. In addition, the party has brought in representatives from religious minorities, including Subarna Sikder from the Hindu community and Madhabi Marma from the Buddhist community. Through this, the BNP wants to reinforce its position as a liberal and inclusive party representing people of different religions and ethnic backgrounds.

Among the BNP’s list of women to take up reserved seats, 10 are former members of parliament, showing an emphasis on experience. Mansura Alam, a former student leader who was active in past movements, has also been nominated. However, this does not necessarily mean the BNP is strongly supportive of women’s participation in politics. Out of the 300 directly elected seats, BNP nominated women to run for only nine seats, and six of them won.

The BNP has used these seats to project an inclusive image by bringing in civil society leaders as well as indigenous and minority representatives. The main opposition also had a similar opportunity. Jamaat had nominated a Hindu candidate in the general election, but he did not win. Through the guaranteed quota of reserved seats, Jamaat had an easy opportunity to bring a woman from a minority or indigenous community into Parliament and improve its international image. 

However, instead of taking that path, Jamaat chose to give a large portion of its quota to its alliance partners. This shows that Jamaat is prioritizing keeping its allies satisfied and strengthening the coalition over improving its own image.

A major surprise of the election was the emergence of the Jamaat-led 11-party alliance as the main opposition. They won 77 seats, of which Jamaat alone secured 68, the biggest success in its history. Based on this success, the alliance received 13 reserved women’s seats. Among these, Jamaat kept eight seats for itself. The remaining seats were distributed among partners: one for the National Citizen Party, one for Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, one for JAGPA, and one for a representative from families of those killed in the July uprising. 

Notably, Jamaat did not nominate any women to run for the 300 directly elected seats. Although Jamaat does not publicly promote female leadership, it still accepted the reserved seats for women allocated to it through indirect voting.

The women nominated by Jamaat are not new to politics. The party has a large and well-organized women’s wing with over a million members. The nominated women, such as Nurunnisa Siddika and Sabikun Nahar, are senior leaders of this wing and have been working for years to organize female voters behind the scenes.

Jamaat’s main strategy for the women’s quota seats reflects alliance politics. Although it is well organized, Jamaat knows that it lacks wider acceptance, especially among young and secular voters. It is not as strong on its own as the BNP or the Awami League. On the other hand, the NCP is a new political force born from the spirit of the July uprising. The NCP won six seats in the general election. For Jamaat, staying allied with a party like the NCP, which represents young people and civil society, can help improve its political relevance and soften its “hardline” image. By giving up around 40 percent of its reserved seats, Jamaat has effectively strengthened the foundation of this alliance. Their joint street movements on issues like referendums also reflect this long-term political cooperation.

According to the latest information from the Election Commission, the nominations of 12 candidates from the Jamaat alliance have been declared valid, while the nomination of the NCP candidate, Monira Sharmin, has been canceled. (She has not completed the required three-year period since government service.) However, there is still an opportunity to appeal this decision.

The political significance of giving up these seats within the alliance is substantial. This strategy is not only important for the current parliament but also clearly signals the future political direction of Bangladesh. Local government elections at various levels, including upazila, municipality and city corporation are approaching. The distribution of these reserved seats will further strengthen the unity of the Jamaat-led alliance. As a result, parties like the NCP and others may think that staying allied with Jamaat can be politically beneficial. Therefore, it is likely that Jamaat and the NCP will contest together against the BNP in the upcoming local government elections.

Get to the bottom of the story

Subscribe today and join thousands of diplomats, analysts, policy professionals and business readers who rely on The Diplomat for expert Asia-Pacific coverage.

Get unlimited access to in-depth analysis you won't find anywhere else, from South China Sea tensions to ASEAN diplomacy to India-Pakistan relations. More than 5,000 articles a year.

Unlimited articles and expert analysis

Weekly newsletter with exclusive insights

16-year archive of diplomatic coverage

Ad-free reading on all devices

Support independent journalism

Already have an account? Log in.

The system of reserved seats for women in Bangladesh’s Parliament has long been criticized as a decorative tool used by party leaders to distribute political favors, rather than truly empowering women. Beyond gender-based empowerment, these seats also carry political significance. After the 13th national parliamentary election held in February, the allocation of the 50 seats under the women’s quota is not just a formality. It also gives an indication of the country’s political direction in the near future.

About one-and-a-half years after the July 2024 mass uprising, the national election was held on February 12 this year. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) came to power with a supermajority. In the absence of the Awami League, which fell during the uprising and has since been banned, the historically controversial but well-organized party Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has emerged as the main opposition by leading a coalition.

There are 350 seats in Bangladesh’s parliament. Of these, 300 members are directly elected by the people, as happened on February 12. The remaining 50 seats are reserved for women. These are distributed among parties in proportion to the number of seats they win (one woman’s seat for every six seats). Out of these 50 seats, the BNP-led alliance is set to get 36, and the Jamaat-led alliance 13. The one remaining seat will be chosen by independent MPs. 

The BNP and Jamaat have already submitted their candidate lists to the Election Commission. The Election Commission has announced that voting for these seats will take place on May 12. In most cases, the names submitted by the parties are elected without any real contest.

From the nomination lists, it appears that the BNP is trying to present itself as a modern, rights-friendly, and “inclusive” party both nationally and internationally. On the other hand, Jamaat-e-Islami has chosen to give a portion of these seats to its alliance partners as a strategy to maintain unity.

This time, the BNP has nominated several individuals who are not directly part of party politics. For example, the list includes Sanzida Islam Tuli, coordinator of the platform “Mayer Dak” representing families of the disappeared, who is well known to international human rights organizations. The BNP has also nominated Anna Minj, a representative of the Orao ethnic group and a senior official of the international NGO BRAC. In addition, the party has brought in representatives from religious minorities, including Subarna Sikder from the Hindu community and Madhabi Marma from the Buddhist community. Through this, the BNP wants to reinforce its position as a liberal and inclusive party representing people of different religions and ethnic backgrounds.

Among the BNP’s list of women to take up reserved seats, 10 are former members of parliament, showing an emphasis on experience. Mansura Alam, a former student leader who was active in past movements, has also been nominated. However, this does not necessarily mean the BNP is strongly supportive of women’s participation in politics. Out of the 300 directly elected seats, BNP nominated women to run for only nine seats, and six of them won.

The BNP has used these seats to project an inclusive image by bringing in civil society leaders as well as indigenous and minority representatives. The main opposition also had a similar opportunity. Jamaat had nominated a Hindu candidate in the general election, but he did not win. Through the guaranteed quota of reserved seats, Jamaat had an easy opportunity to bring a woman from a minority or indigenous community into Parliament and improve its international image. 

However, instead of taking that path, Jamaat chose to give a large portion of its quota to its alliance partners. This shows that Jamaat is prioritizing keeping its allies satisfied and strengthening the coalition over improving its own image.

A major surprise of the election was the emergence of the Jamaat-led 11-party alliance as the main opposition. They won 77 seats, of which Jamaat alone secured 68, the biggest success in its history. Based on this success, the alliance received 13 reserved women’s seats. Among these, Jamaat kept eight seats for itself. The remaining seats were distributed among partners: one for the National Citizen Party, one for Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, one for JAGPA, and one for a representative from families of those killed in the July uprising. 

Notably, Jamaat did not nominate any women to run for the 300 directly elected seats. Although Jamaat does not publicly promote female leadership, it still accepted the reserved seats for women allocated to it through indirect voting.

The women nominated by Jamaat are not new to politics. The party has a large and well-organized women’s wing with over a million members. The nominated women, such as Nurunnisa Siddika and Sabikun Nahar, are senior leaders of this wing and have been working for years to organize female voters behind the scenes.

Jamaat’s main strategy for the women’s quota seats reflects alliance politics. Although it is well organized, Jamaat knows that it lacks wider acceptance, especially among young and secular voters. It is not as strong on its own as the BNP or the Awami League. On the other hand, the NCP is a new political force born from the spirit of the July uprising. The NCP won six seats in the general election. For Jamaat, staying allied with a party like the NCP, which represents young people and civil society, can help improve its political relevance and soften its “hardline” image. By giving up around 40 percent of its reserved seats, Jamaat has effectively strengthened the foundation of this alliance. Their joint street movements on issues like referendums also reflect this long-term political cooperation.

According to the latest information from the Election Commission, the nominations of 12 candidates from the Jamaat alliance have been declared valid, while the nomination of the NCP candidate, Monira Sharmin, has been canceled. (She has not completed the required three-year period since government service.) However, there is still an opportunity to appeal this decision.

The political significance of giving up these seats within the alliance is substantial. This strategy is not only important for the current parliament but also clearly signals the future political direction of Bangladesh. Local government elections at various levels, including upazila, municipality and city corporation are approaching. The distribution of these reserved seats will further strengthen the unity of the Jamaat-led alliance. As a result, parties like the NCP and others may think that staying allied with Jamaat can be politically beneficial. Therefore, it is likely that Jamaat and the NCP will contest together against the BNP in the upcoming local government elections.

Md Faruk Hassain is a Bangladeshi journalist and media researcher specializing in politics, youth movements, climate change, and public health. He holds graduate and postgraduate degrees in Journalism and Media Studies from Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)

Bangladesh women in politics

Bangladesh women's quota

Jamaat-e-Islami women

© The Diplomat