Australia’s support for the attacks on Yemen’s Houthis by a coalition of countries led by the US and the UK contributes to several Australian government objectives. Perhaps foremost among them is trying to silence critics who said Australia went missing when the US sought allies to send ships to the Red Sea. Other objectives were made clear by the prime minister: protecting lives, the global economy and international commerce.
It is early days, but the coalition is well-placed to achieve the latter tranche of objectives.
The Houthis are, at best, an impoverished, improvised military force that has been at war with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. It was not long ago that attacks by those countries were thought by some to be war crimes, given the disproportionate capabilities and wealth of Saudi Arabia and the UAE compared with Yemen.
Yemen has not improved since then, registering a modest $US21 billion GDP ($31 billion). By contrast, the coalition it now faces has a combined GDP of over $US33 trillion ($49 trillion). By any standards, that is a mismatch of major proportions. The desired outcome – suppressing the Houthi attacks – is likely not in doubt. However, the Houthis’ success at impeding international shipping underscores the threat that determined adversaries can pose when they occupy geography of strategic importance.
Indeed, one of the important outcomes of Australia’s involvement may be for Australia to gain a deeper appreciation of the new balance shift in favour of military capabilities required for effective area denial. Yemen sits at the mouth of the Red Sea, including the narrow passage that leads to the Gulf of Aiden, and beyond that, the Indian Ocean. This passage is vital for shipping to avoid the long journey from Europe around Africa to the Indian Ocean.
Why is that important to Australia? Simply, the approach to Australia from anywhere north of Indonesia is rich in similar narrow passages that are vital to that transit. Defensively, it gives Australia the strategic benefit of geography in both distance and choke points that will disadvantage a potential attacker. The other side of that coin is that Australia needs to have capabilities to safeguard these passages.
Australia’s Department of Defence and the ADF will reflect carefully on the implications of this, both for Australia’s defence of its mainland and operations further from home – especially in and around the first island chain that is a key to military competition with China.
Diplomatically, given the company Australia is in with this coalition, there’s little international political downside to its support for the attacks on the Houthis. The Houthis’ key backer, Iran, is a pariah for the West, with little support from any country that Australia values. Nor does it have a vocal domestic constituency.
Why Australia joined the US in missile strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen
10
0
12.01.2024
Australia’s support for the attacks on Yemen’s Houthis by a coalition of countries led by the US and the UK contributes to several Australian government objectives. Perhaps foremost among them is trying to silence critics who said Australia went missing when the US sought allies to send ships to the Red Sea. Other objectives were made clear by the prime minister: protecting lives, the global economy and international commerce.
It is early days, but the coalition is well-placed to achieve the latter tranche of objectives.
The Houthis are, at best, an impoverished, improvised military force that has been at war with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. It was not long ago that attacks by those........
© The Sydney Morning Herald
visit website
login
who are we?
contact us
qosheapp
Toi Staff
Gideon Levy
Belen Fernandez
Mort Laitner
Rami G Khouri
Ali Fathollah-Nejad
Nikkei Editorial
