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Can ‘dharma diplomacy’ offer a solution to war?

25 0
20.03.2026

On the night of 2 August 1990, Saddam Hussein unleashed nearly 150,000 troops – backed by tanks, armoured vehicles, and missile launchers – across the Kuwaiti border. Within two days, the small and militarily weak Kuwait collapsed. As Iraqi forces closed in on Dasman Palace, Emir Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah fled toward Saudi Arabia, while his brother Sheikh Fahad was killed and his body desecrated in a chilling display of power.

Kuwait was swiftly annexed into Iraq’s Basra province under a puppet regime. The world responded. The United Nations Security Council demanded Iraq’s unconditional withdrawal. When Saddam refused, a deadline was set – 15 January 1991. Defiance continued. On 17 January, U.S.-led coalition forces began massive missile strikes, marking the beginning of the Gulf War. In a desperate gamble, Saddam launched missiles at Israel, hoping to fracture the Arab coalition and rally regional support.

As later revealed by his foreign minister Tariq Aziz, Saddam believed attacking Israel would ignite pan-Arab solidarity. It failed. Arab states like Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and others, fearing Saddam’s expansionism, backed the U.S.-led coalition. By 21 February, ground operations began, and within a week, Saddam conceded defeat. But retreat came with destruction – Kuwait’s oil wells were set ablaze, trig gering one of the worst environmental and energy crises of the century. Oil prices surged, echoing the shocks of the 1970s. The consequences were not confined to West Asia.

The ripple effects reached India, then teetering on the brink of economic collapse. Foreign reserves had dwindled to barely two weeks’ worth of imports. Political instability compounded the crisis, with fragile coalition governments and shifting alliances. In a historic moment, India pledged gold to the Bank of England to stave off default. What followed reshaped the nation. Under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao and Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, India abandoned its rigid command economy and embraced liberalization. The crisis became the crucible of modern India’s economic transformation.

From a struggling state, India emerged as a rising global power – proof that wars, though destructive, can trigger constructive shifts. Fast forward to today, and history seems to echo with greater intensity. The ongoing tensions involving Iran, Israel, and the United States are not just military confrontations – they are battles of narratives, perception, and information warfare. Iran, a 5000-year-old civilization, geographically vast – almost half the size of India and comparable to the combined territories of France, Spain, Germany, and the UK – stands at the centre of a volatile geopolitical storm.

Recent developments suggest a dangerous escalation. Following Israeli strikes on Iran’s South Pars gas field – the world’s largest – Tehran has warned of retaliatory attacks on oil installations across Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait, and carried out some. Such a move could trigger a global energy catastrophe far exceeding previous oil shocks. Compounding fears, statements from Donald Trump and Marco Rubio hint at imminent escalation. Trump has claimed Iran could assemble a crude nuclear weapon within days using enriched uranium stored in deep underground facilities near Isfahan.

He has even suggested the possibility of a commando-style operation – akin to the U.S. raid that killed Osama bin Laden – to neutralize the threat. But this is not merely a war of missiles; it is a war of information. Competing narratives, psychological operations, and propaganda shape global perception. Each side seeks legitimacy while delegitimizing the other. Social media amplifies fear, half-truths, and strategic leaks. In such an environment, truth becomes the first casualty.

The International Atomic Energy Agency has already warned of potential radiation risks following strikes near Iran’s Bushehr nuclear facility. Meanwhile, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards reportedly possess thousands of missiles, now increasingly under the control of hardline factions after the elimination of moderate leadership. This unfolding crisis fits eerily into the framework of the Thucydides Trap – where a rising power challenges an established one, often leading to inevitable conflict. Iran’s regional ambitions and America’s strategic dominance create a classic case of this ancient geopolitical pattern. Yet, amid this chaos, there is space for an alternative path.

Narendra Modi’s concept of “dharma diplomacy” offers a framework ro o te d in balance, moral pragmatism,and civilizational wisdom. It recognizes a fundamental truth: nations have no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests – but those interests must align with a broader vision of global well-being. War, as history shows, is both destructive and transformative.

The Gulf War reshaped global energy politics and catalyzed India’s economic rise. The current crisis, if unchecked, could devastate economies, disrupt energy supplies, and destabilize entire regions. But if navigated wisely, it could also redefine global alliances and diplomatic norms. As missiles fly and rhetoric intensifies, the real battlefield lies in perception. Whoever controls the narrative may not just win the war – but shape the world that emerges after it.

(The writer is Professor, Centre for South Asian Studies, Pondicherry Central University.)

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