David McCann: Planning for Irish unity need not wait, taoiseach

I WAS listening to the “How to Unite Ireland?” podcast last week and its interview with Taoiseach Micheál Martin, where he spoke at length about the complex issues around the constitutional future of this island.

For those interested in the constitutional debate, it is definitely a great listen.

A conversation that saw the taoiseach challenged but also allowed to outline his views.

In a debate that quite often is characterised by too much heat and not enough light, it was a welcome contribution.

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However, listening to the taoiseach, I felt a growing sense of frustration.

A frustration at not selling enough of the important work he is doing, and a frustration that he is not acknowledging how much the game has changed over the past decade.

Martin referenced the work of the Shared Island fund, one of the most important soft-power initiatives undertaken by an Irish government.

It has helped put real resources behind north-south cooperation and made Dublin a more substantive presence in the north.

Tourism and infrastructure projects are all benefiting from this initiative, and when the books are written on how the two Irish states engaged with one another and, potentially, one day unify, this will have to be factored into the analysis.

That’s the good part for me, but also one of the drivers of my frustration.

In the interview, Martin says Shared Island is not a “Trojan horse for unity”.

Whilst Irish unity might not be the initiative’s number one priority, it need not shy away from constitutional questions. We can also develop a plan and approach to unity that can progress the issue.

Is the aim of an hourly train service between Belfast and Dublin Irish unification? No, but does better connectivity between the two biggest cities on the island help the case for a unified economy? Yes.

Does linking and engaging people north and south drive the next generation of pro-unity voters? Probably not, but do better connections over time help shift a mindset towards an all-island viewpoint? Yes.

Often, pro-unity advocates hear the need for planning before a potential unity referendum.

Yet we also hear the phrase “now is not the time”, and that we need to achieve other objectives first.

My question is: why can’t we do both?

The taoiseach referenced issues such as Brexit and the impact this unexpected result had on politics.

Today, we are still feeling the effects: the rise of Reform and the instability of six British prime ministers over the past decade, with the potential of another change to come.

In essence, if the past decade has taught us anything, it is that politics is unpredictable and we need to be prepared for all potential outcomes.

The Irish government does not need to shy away from this task; it needs to embrace it.

The taoiseach rightly references the need to address hard questions, such as how we bring those with a British identity along with us. Let’s do the hard work and put a plan in place, with proposals for how we do it.

Let’s demonstrate to voters who cherish their Britishness that, whilst this is not the constitutional option they want, they need not fear change if it does come in the future.

The Irish government has a real role in bringing forward these ideas and proposals to turn much of the rhetoric behind Irish unity into a reality.

The fear of discussing this ignores the changes that have occurred since 2016 and fails to properly account for what could happen in the future.

In essence, we can build links between north and south in sensible and practical ways that threaten nobody’s constitutional viewpoints.

Yet, we can also develop a plan and an approach on unity that so many have acknowledged is needed.

Part of the podcast was spent discussing the views of former Fianna Fáil taoiseach Seán Lemass.

The legendary moderniser came to Belfast in 1965 to meet Unionist prime minister Terence O’Neill. Lemass, rightly, changed the traditional approach from isolation to engagement to meet changing times.

Times have changed over the past decade, and even more so since 1998.

The Irish government does not need to fear that change, or opt out of it. It can lead it.

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