By the end of the first week of the Ulster Workers’ Council (UWC) strike, on May 22 1974, an impasse had been reached. The power-sharing executive couldn’t govern.

The UWC and UUUC (United Ulster Unionist Coalition) had proved themselves much better organised than had been expected. The security forces and RUC maintained what amounted to a low key watching brief. There was little evidence of a kickback from either mainstream unionism or working-class loyalism. And Secretary of State Merlyn Rees didn’t go much further than exasperated, helpless platitude in the House of Commons.

So, in what amounted to an extraordinarily bold move – one which involved huge political/electoral risks for the SDLP – the power-sharing executive issued a statement which rolled back on the originally agreed roll-out of the Council of Ireland.

Phase one, the setting up of the Council of Ministers, would still happen immediately, but only on the basis of ‘complete unanimity’ between the executive and Irish government. Phase two, the Council of Ireland itself, would happen only after “a test of the opinion of the electorate” at the assembly election scheduled for 1977/78.

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This strategy might have worked had it been part of the December 1973 Sunningdale Agreement, or incorporated into Brian Faulkner’s amendment to the executive motion on May 14 (the passing of which triggered the strike).

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