China is losing ports, power and presence in Latin America

The new Monroe Doctrine is in full force. And for the first time in decades, Chinese influence in Latin America is receding.

A planned “Chile-China Express” submarine cable has been suspended. Colombia has announced tariffs on Chinese steel. Mexico is reviewing Beijing’s economic security. Peru has slammed the door on a Chinese military hospital ship. Honduras could soon even reactivate its relationship with Taiwan.

In an infamous 2013 speech at the Organization of American States, then-Secretary of State John Kerry announced that the Monroe Doctrine was dead. In other words, the U.S. was renouncing its hegemonic leadership and leaving the door open to China, Russia and Iran in the Western Hemisphere. It was a Christmas gift delivered in November.

By 2025, things had changed. President Trump not only revived the doctrine but also added his own corollary, to reassert U.S. leadership and curb the malign influence of extra-continental powers — specifically, Communist China.

Earlier this month, President Trump organized the “Shield of the Americas Summit” in Florida. The strategy seeks to work with like-minded partner countries to halt foreign interference — again, meaning Chinese influence — in the hemisphere, to combat narco-terrorist gangs and cartels and to address illegal migration.

This week, in a display of power and partnership, the U.S. announced the “Southern Seas 2026” deployment. This exercise will send the USS Nimitz, along with Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Gridley, across Latin America. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala and Uruguay will participate in joint activities, and port visits will be conducted in Brazil, Chile, Panama and Jamaica. 

As a result of the new strategy, Panama has strengthened its ties with the U.S. and reclaimed sovereignty over the ports of Balboa and San Cristóbal — facilities previously controlled by the Hong Kong-based firm CK Hutchison.

Just a few days ago, China suffered yet another major political defeat. During the tenth Summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, organized by Colombia, Xi Jinping had hoped to deliver a virtual address to 33 heads of state from the Americas. But the event managed to attract only three Latin American presidents. This was a significant embarrassment, given that this organization is China’s version of the U.S.-created Organization of American States. 

Last month, China suffered another defeat during the Caribbean Community Summit. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reaffirmed U.S. interest in pursuing a renewed cooperation with the Caribbean nations, with a focus on combating organized crime and irregular migration, as well as promoting prosperity and energy security. China was left out of the forum. 

Colombia recently imposed 35 percent tariffs on the purchase of 14 steel and metal-mechanical products from countries with which it does not have trade agreements. Officials assert that this measure is intended to defend domestic production and employment; however, it also serves as a clear nod to U.S. foreign policy.

In Chile, China lost once again. A proposed undersea cable project was frozen. The U.S. had issued warnings regarding the dangers posed by Chinese control over data as a threat to regional security. Visas were suspended, and U.S. officials spoke candidly with former President Gabriel Boric. 

But perhaps one of the harshest blows was the cancellation of the Cerro Ventarrones space facility project. China, which already has at least 12 similar projects across Latin America, was unable to move forward in Chile, thanks to the reassertion of the “Donroe Doctrine.” Also, the newly inaugurated President Jose Antonio Kast signed a joint declaration with the U.S. establishing a consultation mechanism regarding critical minerals and rare earth resources. 

Peru, meanwhile, recently turned away Silk and Road Ark, China’s military hospital ship. In January, the U.S. designated Peru as a major non-NATO ally, signifying close ties, mutual trust and streamlined access to arms procurement. 

And Bolivia — which, for two decades, was mired in socialism and coca production — is now a member of the Shield of the Americas. Its new government has apprehended international drug traffickers, seized narcotics and halted China’s expansion within the zinc sector.

Despite these strides, China still maintains a substantial presence in Latin America, particularly in the realm of critical infrastructure such as ports, power grids, telecommunications, space monitoring stations and so forth. 

In light of this challenging reality, the U.S. has begun to recalibrate its approach, moving the pieces on the board and winning the game in the hemispheric battle.

Arturo McFields is an exiled journalist, former Nicaraguan ambassador to the Organization of American States, and a former member of the Norwegian Peace Corps. He is an alumnus of the National Defense University’s Security and Defense Seminar and the Harvard Leadership course. 

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