The Pulse | Politics | South Asia

‘Forcible Imposition’ of India’s National Song Triggers Resistance in the Country’s Northeast

Some stanzas of “Vande Mataram” refer to Hindu goddesses. India’s religious minorities say it goes against their monotheist beliefs.

Activists of the Nagaland unit of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party pose for a photograph to mark the 150th anniversary of India’s national song, Vande Mataram.

The Indian government’s formalization of guidelines regarding the rendition of “Vande Mataram,” India’s national song, has triggered opposition from some states in India’s northeastern border region.

Earlier, India’s Muslims, India’s largest religious minority, had opposed attempts by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led federal government to make the singing of Vande Mataram mandatory. Now, states in India’s Northeast, especially Nagaland, whose populace is predominantly Christian, are objecting to the imposition of the song.

Vande Mataram has triggered controversy for over a century. However, when the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) issued comprehensive guidelines on February 11, formalizing the official protocol for the rendition of Vande Mataram, and specifying when and how it should be played or sung at government and public functions, strong objections were raised, and this time it was from the Northeast.

The directive mandates that the full six-stanza version of the song be played or sung at all government functions, official events, and school and college assemblies.

Composed by the Bengali novelist Bankim Chandra Chatterji during colonial times, Vande Mataram was published in 1875. It was considered seditious by colonial authorities and violently suppressed. Generations of freedom fighters also embraced it as a symbol of resistance and sacrifice. However, Vande Mataram also became a slogan and a popular anthem for Hindu nationalists during the freedom struggle.

While the first two stanzas of Vande Mataram contain rousing calls to bow to the “mother” and “motherland,” subsequent verses refer to Hindu goddesses. While the song struck a chord with Hindu nationalists, it evoked a sense of unease, even resistance, among India’s religious minorities. Given their monotheist beliefs, they objected to bowing to Hindu goddesses.

Given the controversies it triggered and owing to the concerns raised by a section of Muslim leaders, in 1937, the Indian National Congress, which was at the vanguard of India’s freedom movement, adopted Vande Mataram — but only its first two stanzas — as the national song. Following independence in 1947, free India’s constituent assembly adopted “Jana, Gana, Mana,” composed by Rabindranath Tagore, as India’s national anthem, while Vande Mataram became the national song.

With the Hindu nationalist BJP getting re-elected nationally in 2024 and especially amid celebrations of Vande Mataram’s 150th anniversary last year, the party has been trying to boost the status of Vande Mataram.  The party stoked controversy and debate in Parliament in December last year, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi alleging that the Congress “removed important stanzas” from the song, thereby “sowing the seeds of partition.”

Then came the MHA guidelines on the rendition of Vande Mataram on February 11. Nagaland’s ruling Naga People’s Front (NPF) is now opposing the federal government’s attempts to compel the singing of Vande Mataram. Incidentally, the BJP is an alliance partner of the NPF in Nagaland.

The NPF has expressed resentment over what it believes is the “forceful imposition” of Vande Mataram in educational institutions and the state assembly. It explained that a mandatory recitation of the song threatens the religious and cultural identity of Nagaland as it is “alien and unfriendly” to the people of the state. The NPF argues the required performance of the song violates the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Nagaland, like some other states of the northeastern region, has a special constitutional provision under Article 371A of the Constitution that safeguards the religious and customary practices of the state’s citizens.

According to the NPF, mandatory recitation of a song that has references to Hindu goddesses contradicts the monotheist beliefs of Christians. Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has also announced that the issue would be referred to a select committee of the state assembly.

Legislators and civil society organizations from the Christian-majority states of Meghalaya and Mizoram have also raised objections to the central government’s directive on the national song. In Meghalaya, legislator Adelbert Nongrum, who represents North Shillong, clarified that he was not against the national song but opposed to its full version, as it could infringe upon Article 25 of the Constitution that guarantees freedom of religion.

In the same vein, the influential Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) in Mizoram has opposed any move by the union government or other authorities to make India’s national song compulsory in schools, colleges, and government offices in the state. The organization stated that the directive could fuel discomfort among people in the state as it was contrary to Mizoram’s unique cultural and constitutional framework. It has urged the state government to consider the state’s special constitutional provisions in the constitution before implementing the directive.

The objections from these states came on the heels of similar concerns raised by some prominent Muslim organizations over the Union government’s recent notification. India’s communist parties have also been vocal in opposing the government’s decision.

The BJP government has sought to use the 150th anniversary of Vande Mataram to create an impactful movement to connect citizens with the song’s original and revolutionary flavor. But in doing so, it has invited sharp criticism for weaponizing a song with a larger objective to turn history into a political weapon.

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The Indian government’s formalization of guidelines regarding the rendition of “Vande Mataram,” India’s national song, has triggered opposition from some states in India’s northeastern border region.

Earlier, India’s Muslims, India’s largest religious minority, had opposed attempts by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led federal government to make the singing of Vande Mataram mandatory. Now, states in India’s Northeast, especially Nagaland, whose populace is predominantly Christian, are objecting to the imposition of the song.

Vande Mataram has triggered controversy for over a century. However, when the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) issued comprehensive guidelines on February 11, formalizing the official protocol for the rendition of Vande Mataram, and specifying when and how it should be played or sung at government and public functions, strong objections were raised, and this time it was from the Northeast.

The directive mandates that the full six-stanza version of the song be played or sung at all government functions, official events, and school and college assemblies.

Composed by the Bengali novelist Bankim Chandra Chatterji during colonial times, Vande Mataram was published in 1875. It was considered seditious by colonial authorities and violently suppressed. Generations of freedom fighters also embraced it as a symbol of resistance and sacrifice. However, Vande Mataram also became a slogan and a popular anthem for Hindu nationalists during the freedom struggle.

While the first two stanzas of Vande Mataram contain rousing calls to bow to the “mother” and “motherland,” subsequent verses refer to Hindu goddesses. While the song struck a chord with Hindu nationalists, it evoked a sense of unease, even resistance, among India’s religious minorities. Given their monotheist beliefs, they objected to bowing to Hindu goddesses.

Given the controversies it triggered and owing to the concerns raised by a section of Muslim leaders, in 1937, the Indian National Congress, which was at the vanguard of India’s freedom movement, adopted Vande Mataram — but only its first two stanzas — as the national song. Following independence in 1947, free India’s constituent assembly adopted “Jana, Gana, Mana,” composed by Rabindranath Tagore, as India’s national anthem, while Vande Mataram became the national song.

With the Hindu nationalist BJP getting re-elected nationally in 2024 and especially amid celebrations of Vande Mataram’s 150th anniversary last year, the party has been trying to boost the status of Vande Mataram.  The party stoked controversy and debate in Parliament in December last year, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi alleging that the Congress “removed important stanzas” from the song, thereby “sowing the seeds of partition.”

Then came the MHA guidelines on the rendition of Vande Mataram on February 11. Nagaland’s ruling Naga People’s Front (NPF) is now opposing the federal government’s attempts to compel the singing of Vande Mataram. Incidentally, the BJP is an alliance partner of the NPF in Nagaland.

The NPF has expressed resentment over what it believes is the “forceful imposition” of Vande Mataram in educational institutions and the state assembly. It explained that a mandatory recitation of the song threatens the religious and cultural identity of Nagaland as it is “alien and unfriendly” to the people of the state. The NPF argues the required performance of the song violates the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Nagaland, like some other states of the northeastern region, has a special constitutional provision under Article 371A of the Constitution that safeguards the religious and customary practices of the state’s citizens.

According to the NPF, mandatory recitation of a song that has references to Hindu goddesses contradicts the monotheist beliefs of Christians. Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has also announced that the issue would be referred to a select committee of the state assembly.

Legislators and civil society organizations from the Christian-majority states of Meghalaya and Mizoram have also raised objections to the central government’s directive on the national song. In Meghalaya, legislator Adelbert Nongrum, who represents North Shillong, clarified that he was not against the national song but opposed to its full version, as it could infringe upon Article 25 of the Constitution that guarantees freedom of religion.

In the same vein, the influential Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) in Mizoram has opposed any move by the union government or other authorities to make India’s national song compulsory in schools, colleges, and government offices in the state. The organization stated that the directive could fuel discomfort among people in the state as it was contrary to Mizoram’s unique cultural and constitutional framework. It has urged the state government to consider the state’s special constitutional provisions in the constitution before implementing the directive.

The objections from these states came on the heels of similar concerns raised by some prominent Muslim organizations over the Union government’s recent notification. India’s communist parties have also been vocal in opposing the government’s decision.

The BJP government has sought to use the 150th anniversary of Vande Mataram to create an impactful movement to connect citizens with the song’s original and revolutionary flavor. But in doing so, it has invited sharp criticism for weaponizing a song with a larger objective to turn history into a political weapon.

Rajeev Bhattacharyya is a senior journalist in Assam in India’s northeast. 

BJP and Vande Mataram

Christians and Vande Mataram

India religious minorities

India's national song

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