Instead of indirectly insulting Yemen, Prabowo should be building relations with it
At a high-profile industrial groundbreaking event in Central Java, President Prabowo Subianto responded sharply to critics who describe Indonesia as being in decline. Rejecting the phrase “Indonesia is dark,” he declared that such critics have “blurred vision,” insisted the country is “bright,” and then went further: if they are unhappy, they should simply leave—adding, pointedly, that they could “run away to Yemen.”
It was a moment meant to project confidence. Instead, it exposed a troubling lapse in judgment—one that reaches far beyond Indonesia’s domestic debate and directly into its relationship with the wider world.
Let’s be clear: this was not just an attack on critics. It was an insult to Yemen.
By invoking Yemen as a destination for those who want to “escape,” Prabowo was not engaging in neutral geography. He was making a comparison—implicitly placing Yemen on the losing end of it. The message, stripped of political context, is unmistakable: if Indonesia is “bright,” then Yemen is something else—something lesser, something undesirable.
That is not rhetoric. That is hierarchy.
And it is a dangerous one for a leader to project.
Yemen is not a symbol to be deployed in domestic political theater. It is a country with deep historical, cultural, and religious significance—particularly for Indonesia itself. For centuries, Yemeni scholars, especially from Hadramaut, have helped shape Indonesian Islam, education, and social life.
Yemen is not a symbol to be deployed in domestic political theater. It is a country with deep historical, cultural, and religious significance—particularly for Indonesia itself. For centuries, Yemeni scholars, especially from Hadramaut, have helped shape Indonesian Islam, education, and social life.
Entire communities in Indonesia trace their intellectual and familial roots back to Yemen. These ties are not incidental; they are foundational.
To reduce Yemen to a throwaway line is to disregard that shared history with astonishing carelessness.
It is also diplomatically incoherent. Prabowo has built much of his presidency around global engagement. He has traveled extensively, cultivated partnerships, and positioned himself as a leader who understands the importance of international relationships. His own foreign policy principle—“a thousand friends are too few, one enemy too many”—suggests a worldview rooted in respect and strategic cooperation.
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But statements like this contradict that worldview outright.
You cannot claim to build friendships while casually diminishing another nation in public. You cannot present yourself as a bridge to the Muslim world while speaking about one of its countries as if it were a geopolitical punchline. And you cannot expect credibility in the Middle East if your language suggests that some nations are useful only as negative comparisons.
This is not strength. It is indiscipline.
Worse still, the remark reflects a deeper problem in how Prabowo handles dissent. Faced with criticism, he did not argue, persuade, or even acknowledge the concerns being raised. He dismissed them—and told critics to leave. This is not a good way to dissent his critics. It is a refusal to engage in the very democratic process that gives such criticism meaning.
Strong leadership does not exile disagreement. It confronts it.
By telling critics to “go elsewhere,” Prabowo is not defending Indonesia’s progress—he is avoiding scrutiny. And in doing so, he drags Yemen into a domestic political exchange where it does not belong, using it as collateral damage in a rhetorical fight.
That has consequences.
For audiences in the Middle East, the signal is hard to ignore. If Yemen can be casually invoked as a place of escape—implicitly inferior, implicitly undesirable—then respect is conditional. And conditional respect is no respect at all.
For audiences in the Middle East, the signal is hard to ignore. If Yemen can be casually invoked as a place of escape—implicitly inferior, implicitly undesirable—then respect is conditional. And conditional respect is no respect at all.
This is particularly striking given that Indonesia has just taken steps to strengthen its diplomatic presence in Yemen, including appointing a new ambassador in 2026. That move suggests recognition of Yemen’s importance. But diplomacy is not built on appointments alone—it is built on tone, consistency, and the ability to treat partners with dignity in both formal and informal settings.
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On that front, the president has fallen short.
Yet this moment also presents a clear path forward—if he chooses to take it.
Instead of using Yemen as a rhetorical device, Prabowo should be investing in the relationship. Indonesia is uniquely positioned to engage Yemen through humanitarian assistance, educational exchange, and religious diplomacy grounded in shared traditions.
At a time when Global South cooperation is increasingly vital, strengthening ties with Yemen is not just morally sound—it is strategically smart.
At a time when Global South cooperation is increasingly vital, strengthening ties with Yemen is not just morally sound—it is strategically smart.
But that requires a shift in mindset.
It requires recognizing that countries facing hardship are not symbols to be exploited, but partners to be respected. It requires understanding that words spoken casually at home can resonate deeply abroad. And it requires a willingness to treat criticism not as a nuisance to be dismissed, but as a challenge to be addressed.
Because in today’s world, leadership is not just about power. It is about perception.
Right now, the perception created by this remark is simple and damaging: that Yemen can be reduced to a punchline, and that dissent can be brushed aside rather than engaged. Neither reflects the values Indonesia claims to uphold.
Prabowo still has time to correct course. But that correction must begin with a basic principle—one that should guide any leader with global ambitions:
Respect is not optional.
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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
