The fear of the disintegration of the reserves – and the consequences for the regular army and the military’s capabilities overall – are depicted as among the factors that contributed to Monday’s pause of the government’s judicial blitz. But what happened is nothing less than a “spontaneous putsch” by the reserve soldiers. It is spontaneous, but still partially organized due to the understanding that both retired and serving senior military officials have regarding the motives of those who threaten to refuse call-up orders, which makes it legitimate. It is therefore worth distinguishing between the understanding of the motives of the reservists, who feel that their social contract with the state has been broken, and the implications for democracy of reservists thwarting a political step, even if that step is illegitimate.
First, there is a political dispute here that was decided mainly on account of a small minority. This minority holds great power, in the form of the capabilities of part of the army. This power complements that of the capitalist elite, which threatens to move its business out of Israel. It is possible that in the end, the perpetrators of the assault on the judiciary will lose more than its opponents will win.
Second, the involvement of the reservists and retired senior officers reminds us just how militaristic Israeli society is. The resistance to the judicial overhaul reinforces the outsize influence of service members and the significance attributed to their social contract with the state. Doesn’t the judicial assault breach other such contracts, which have not been discussed in public, such as that with teachers?
Third, concern for the military’s capabilities became such a decisive factor in stopping the government that the dispute over its values was pushed to the side.
Fourth, in giving legitimacy to the military’s involvement in the political process, we accept the military’s pretension to function not only as a defender of democracy but also as a moral beacon for civil society. We should not be surprised if another “error” is discovered like the propaganda campaign targeting Israelis that the Israel Defense Forces waged during the fighting with the Gaza Strip in May 2021.
Fifth, the left’s threats of insubordination now prepare the ground for similar actions by right-wing reservists, whose share in the military is increasing. Such opposition will be expressed when a diplomatic arrangement is put on the agenda. I am not referring to refusal to evacuate settlements, which is now an imaginary scenario, but rather to a controversial move that will circumvent the need to do so. The current protest gives reservists license to thwart a political move that is not directly related to the army’s missions.
Sixth, it is advisable to remember a ground rule in civil-military relations: When the military is involved in domestic matters, it nearly always increases, at least in the short term, its bargaining power with the politicians. It also tends to increase the bargaining power of the defense minister, a kind of civilianized super chief of staff. In denouncing the coup publicly, Yoav Gallant changed the balance of power.
Finally, as we learned from the previous reservists’ revolt during the first Lebanon War, this process too will encourage the army to diversify its social composition, this time of the elite units, in order to rely on groups that will not rush to rebel in the future, thereby increasing the politicians’ freedom of action. The move gives additional impetus to the military’s policy of nearly doubling the proportion of service members from Israel’s geographical and social peripheries in its technology units.
Israel’s center-left should keep all of these factors in mind, even if it believes that the military is on the correct side of the current political battle.
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