Jack Mintz: Energy security will top many nations' future political agendas

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Jack Mintz: Energy security will top many nations' future political agendas

If the Strait of Hormuz is no longer safe, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States will need other ways to deliver oil to the global market

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With the closing of the Strait of Hormuz to non-Iranian shipments of oil, the world is keeping close watch on oil prices. Energy security is now paramount, not ESG or climate change. Higher gas and diesel prices will crimp many household budgets already shrunken by price hikes since the pandemic year. Farmers, truckers, foresters and other energy-intensive businesses will be hurt by the sudden surge in oil prices.

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But let’s not forget in the current fog of war that the run-up in prices is not nearly as bad as in some earlier episodes. Here in North America, the highest West Texas Intermediate has been in the past half century was US$140 in May 2008 (equivalent to US$208 in 2026 dollars). There was no geopolitical crisis that year but speculation about supply shortages in the face of rising Asian demand pushed prices up 38 per cent in four months.

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The 1974 OPEC production cuts, the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine were no picnics, either. As shown in the accompanying graph, inflation-adjusted WTI oil prices hit levels even higher than today’s in September 1980 and May 2022. Shocks also go the other way, with deep price cuts in 1986, 1998, 2015 and the pandemic year.

The American-Israeli war with Iran is not over so we may yet see higher prices in coming months. The good news, if there is any, is that we are less reliant on oil than we were in earlier decades. Since 1980, oil consumption as a share of GDP has fallen by half. The world has become more energy-efficient, needing less energy to run its machines. Oil was 38 per cent of the world’s energy mix in 1980. Today it’s 30 per cent. Though shipping through the Strait of Hormuz is responsible for a fifth of world supply, today’s disruption is half as important as it would have been 50 years ago.

That said, we shouldn’t underestimate the potential losses from Iranian attacks on neighbouring Gulf-state energy infrastructure. Qatar lost 17 per cent of its natural gas exports in Iranian missile and drone strikes on one of its gas facilities and two of its 14 LNG trains. Repairs will take months. Almost 30 per cent of fertilizer exports have been affected and that will eventually hit food prices. If the Strait is closed for long, shortages will grow and many countries will begin rationing oil.

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Once the war is over — and it will be at some point — energy security will top many countries’ political agendas. With ever-growing demand for petrochemicals, industrial production and electrification, the overall demand for energy itself will not cease and oil and natural gas will be a big part of the mix for many years to come.

Given oil’s importance to national security, stability in the Gulf region has long been a major concern to the West. Just before the First World War, Winston Churchill understood that switching the Royal Navy from home-produced coal to Persian-produced oil would be risky: “To commit the Navy irrevocably to oil was indeed to take arms against a sea of troubles.”

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If the Strait of Hormuz is no longer safe, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States will need other ways to deliver oil to the global market. Already, Saudi Arabia has increased pipeline flows to get oil through the Red Sea — although the Iranian proxy Houthis threaten tankers passing by Yemen. Oil could also be routed north through the Suez Canal, though only with smaller tankers. Or Gulf states might look to build new pipelines through friendly countries to the Mediterranean.

Consuming countries, including Europe, will seek alternative energy sources from reliable allies, whether it be natural gas, renewable or nuclear. China will deepen its commitment to replacing oil with coal, renewables, nuclear and transport electrification. Consuming countries may also build up storage capacity to help withstand future temporary shocks.

Oil-rich countries like Canada, the U.S., Australia and Norway will want to help address their allies’ national security concerns. That means building more LNG plants, oil pipelines to tidewater, mines and nuclear plants. Whatever the “business case” for these things may have been when Justin Trudeau was doing the math, it is now much stronger.

A major challenge for NATO countries will be their adversarial relationship to China. It has a stranglehold on solar panels and cheap EVs that can only be broken by western countries finding alternatives. The U.S. has already made quite clear to Venezuela its oil should not be shipped to China.

The Mark Carney government has made the right noises about Canada becoming an energy superpower, but so far has accomplished little. And Carney has neither made clear why exporting decarbonized oil should be a priority nor justified his claim that other countries will happily pay a premium for it. After all, cost-competitiveness matters everywhere.

With Canada about to enter CUSMA renegotiation with the United States, energy security will be top of Americans’ minds. The U.S. won’t like our selling oil and natural gas to China rather than to NATO allies. That will make it hard to carry through on our agreement to become a “strategic partner” of China.

The world has taken a dramatic turn this past month, generating many new unknowns. What is very clear is that energy security will be a priority for years to come.

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