When the constitution falters
Commentary EditorialGuest ColumnistsBlawgsTreaty ReviewKnow Your RightsBook Review
Laws & Judgments New LawsDraft BillsJudgment Analysis
News & Events InternationalNationalRegional
Updates JudiciaryOmbudspersonLaw OfficersBar AssociationsIn House LawyersLaw FirmsLaw SchoolsAlternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) CentresSpecial Monitoring Unit (SMU)
Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) Centres
Special Monitoring Unit (SMU)
Law FAQs How To GuideEnglish - Urdu TranslationLegal Terms
English - Urdu Translation
More AdmissionsScholarshipsJobs in LawInterviews
Infotainment Video BlogsArtEntertainmentLifestyle
When the constitution falters
When the constitution falters
There are times when a nation faces a constitutional crisis. Unfortunately, this term has become a synonym for any situation involving conflict, so much so that at times, a judge demanding a higher salary in an agitated voice might be labelled a constitutional crisis. Yet, a crisis is a crisis precisely because it cannot be subsumed under a constitutional norm. It is for this reason that emergency measures often include the suspension of constitutional rights, the centralisation of state power, and the limitation of judicial review.
I argue that while constitutions must acknowledge the inevitability of crises, Pakistan’s emergency framework has repeatedly transformed exceptional powers into instruments of routine governance. Rather than preserving constitutional order, emergency provisions have been invoked to suspend it, entrenching executive dominance.
Constitutions across the world contain emergency provisions, either explicit or implicit. Article I, Section 9 of the United States Constitution permits the suspension of habeas corpus when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. Other systems rely on implicit executive authority, premised on the expectation that power will........
