The January 26th provisional ruling of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordering Israel to prevent acts of genocide in Gaza is a landmark verdict. It is a moral victory for the belea­guered Palestinian people and a high point for the courageous and principled diplomacy of South Africa. Having fought apart­heid, South Africa befittingly took the lead to bring the case against Israel, knowing well that this may ruffle many feathers in capitals backing Israel. This initiative has raised its stature in the Global South.

The World Court’s decision mandated six interim mea­sures, directing Israel to refrain from actions violating the Genocide Convention, curb and penalise explicit and public instigation of genocide, and promptly implement effective mea­sures for providing humanitarian aid to civilians in Gaza. Importantly, the Court also directed Israel to safeguard evidence of genocide and submit a report within a month outlining all actions taken to comply with the Court’s orders. It is ironic that the 1951 Genocide Conven­tion, in large part, was meant to prevent the recurrence of genocides like the holocaust. The six provisional measures were supported by an overwhelming majority of the 17-member panel of judges. The Israeli ad hoc judge Aharon Barak cast negative votes in four orders, while Judge Julia Sebutinde (Uganda) cast all 6 dissenting votes, believing that the matter was essentially political. Subsequently, the Ugandan government distanced itself from her views and expressed support for South Africa’s position. The ruling was applauded by a vast num­ber of countries and human rights watchdogs. The Secretary-General of Amnesty International was quick to assert that the order “sends a clear message that the world will not stand by in silence as Israel pur­sues a ruthless military campaign to decimate the population of the Gaza Strip and unleash death, horror and suffering against Palestin­ians on an unprecedented scale”. The Israeli Prime Minister remained defiant saying “no one will stop us, not The Hague”.

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By the time ICJ announced its interim verdict, the death toll from the ruthless and indiscriminate Israeli attacks on Gaza stood at al­most 26,000, (presently, this number has surpassed 30,000) mostly women and children. Another 7,000 were reportedly buried under rubble, presumed dead. Roughly 85% of the Gaza population was dis­placed and around 93 percent of the population faced acute hunger.

Soon after the ICJ ruling, in a bizarre twist, around a dozen West­ern countries including the US, the UK, Australia and Germany de­clared that they were suspending funding to the United Nations Re­lief and Works Agency (UNRWA), following Israel’s accusation of involvement of the relief agency’s staff in Hamas’s October 7 attacks. The UN Secretary-General ordered an investigation. Out of the 12 individuals implicated, nine were immediately identified and termi­nated by the UNRWA. UN made a fervent appeal for the continua­tion of humanitarian assistance. As Israel prepared for an offensive against Rafah, South Africa once again approached the ICJ to prevent looming breaches of the Genocide Convention by Israel.

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The decisions of the International Court of Justice are final and not subject to appeal. However, this ruling alone is not enough to put a stop to the continuing massacres and destruction in Gaza. The Court does not have enforcement powers. The principal organ of the United Nations entrusted to ensure the maintenance of internation­al peace and security--the Security Council remains deadlocked be­cause of the US vetoes and its outright support for Israel. Only the decisions taken under Chapter VII of the UN Charter are enforce­able. However, such actions require the support of all five perma­nent members. Nonetheless, the ICJ verdict has a huge moral weight. It puts a great deal of pressure on Israel and its military backers who run the risk of being seen as the accomplices. The ICJ ruling on geno­cide in Gaza has rekindled the debate as to why the Kashmir issue or the revocation of Article 370 cannot be challenged in the ICJ. The simple answer is that India has excluded the competence of the ICJ to hear such disputes, by submitting a restrictive declaration under Article 36 of the Statute of the Court. The Indian declaration was first filed in September 1959 which has been twice substituted in September 1974, and then again in September 2019, weeks after In­dia revoked Article 370 of its constitution. Nevertheless, legal ex­perts must examine any such possibility afresh.

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The verdict, damning for Israel, may contribute towards the urgen­cy of a viable solution to the Palestinian problem. Thomas Friedman writing in the New York Times on 31st January, opined that the US may undertake an unprecedented initiative to promote a de-milita­rised Palestinian state, as part of a broader ‘Biden Doctrine for the Middle East’. The OIC countries have all along pleaded for an inde­pendent state of Palestine. China has also recently asked the Securi­ty Council to formulate a concrete timetable and roadmap for a two-state solution. Will Israel relent? The Palestinian people have made unprecedented sacrifices. The path is arduous but not impossible.

Muhammad Haroon Shaukat
The writer is a retired Ambassador and Director of Foreign Affairs at the Centre for Aerospace and Security Studies (CASS), Lahore, Pakistan. He can be reached at casslahore@gmail.com

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Moral Victory

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17.03.2024

The January 26th provisional ruling of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordering Israel to prevent acts of genocide in Gaza is a landmark verdict. It is a moral victory for the belea­guered Palestinian people and a high point for the courageous and principled diplomacy of South Africa. Having fought apart­heid, South Africa befittingly took the lead to bring the case against Israel, knowing well that this may ruffle many feathers in capitals backing Israel. This initiative has raised its stature in the Global South.

The World Court’s decision mandated six interim mea­sures, directing Israel to refrain from actions violating the Genocide Convention, curb and penalise explicit and public instigation of genocide, and promptly implement effective mea­sures for providing humanitarian aid to civilians in Gaza. Importantly, the Court also directed Israel to safeguard evidence of genocide and submit a report within a month outlining all actions taken to comply with the Court’s orders. It is ironic that the 1951 Genocide Conven­tion, in large part, was meant to prevent the recurrence of genocides like the holocaust. The six provisional measures were supported by an overwhelming majority of the 17-member panel of judges. The Israeli ad hoc judge Aharon Barak cast negative votes in four orders, while Judge Julia Sebutinde (Uganda) cast all 6 dissenting votes, believing that the matter was essentially political. Subsequently, the........

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