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On Tuesday, former President Donald Trump’s attorneys tried to convince a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit that their client is entitled to “absolute immunity” from criminal prosecution for the actions he took while in office related to Jan. 6 and his efforts to steal the 2020 election. Their argument? That Trump was president, so it doesn’t matter. The three judges did not seem impressed. They are poised to rule against Trump, which could free special counsel Jack Smith’s prosecution of Trump from a temporary hold. The effort is the most important legal challenge to Smith’s case.

If the D.C. Circuit rules speedily enough and directs the case back to Judge Tanya Chutkan’s courtroom, then the Jan. 6 criminal trial against Trump can resume relatively close to its initial schedule of a spring trial date. That is, unless the Supreme Court steps in, which will add additional delay. Even in that instance, though, the high court can—as it has already done on the question of Trump’s qualification for the 2024 presidential ballot—move on an expedited basis to allow the trial to go forward well in advance of November’s election. With candidate Trump having already telegraphed his intention to use a return to office to claim the powers of a “dictator,” it’s no exaggeration to say that these cases could determine whether constitutional democracy as the United States has known it lives or dies.

During Tuesday’s arguments, the D.C. Circuit panel consistently pointed to the horrific implications of Trump’s immunity argument. If Trump’s argument holds, that also means that a president could take bribes to issue pardons, sell military secrets to America’s enemies, or order a military assassination of a political rival and never face prosecution—just so long as he left office before being impeached and convicted.

As Judge Karen L. Henderson, a Republican appointee who has sided with Trump allies in previous cases involving the former president, put it: “I think it’s paradoxical to say that [a president’s] constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed allows him to violate criminal laws.”

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Principally at issue in the case is whether or not the president has absolute immunity from prosecution for allegedly criminal actions if he insists those actions were taken as part of his official duties. His team allows that under this wild interpretation of presidential immunity, the only opportunity for consequences is if the president is impeached and convicted for the conduct in question. (The constitution clearly allows prosecutions in such cases, but Trump was impeached and acquitted of the conduct at issue here.) His attorneys argue that with impeachment having failed, further prosecution is barred.

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If Trump’s argument is accepted, it means that any future president could commit any crime he wanted using the powers of the presidency and never face consequences so long as he’s never impeached and convicted. This means that a criminal president could simply resign to receive an instant get-out-of-jail-free card. Or, if a president’s criminal conduct happened as he was leaving office and there was no time to impeach and convict, he would also get off scot-free. Further, if criminal conduct were only uncovered after a president’s term had ended and he had left office, there would be no way to hold him accountable. In other words, a president could secretly order the murder of a journalist or any private citizen, serve out the rest of his term, leave office as his term expires, have the murder uncovered and proven only after he has left office, and still never face any consequences. Trump’s attorney, John Sauer, did not even dispute that this was what he was arguing for.

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Judge Florence Pan, a Biden appointee, figured this out early on. “Could a president order SEAL Team Six to assassinate a political rival? That’s an official act, an order to SEAL Team Six?” she asked Sauer. “He would have to speedily be impeached and convicted,” Sauer responded, evading the underlying question. “But if he weren’t, there would be no criminal prosecution, no criminal liability for that?” Pan countered. Sauer again evaded the question.

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The day’s arguments are best summarized by this brain-breaking exchange between Judge Pan and Sauer:

Pan: I asked you a yes or no question. Could a president who asked SEAL Team Six to assassinate a political rival who was not impeached and convicted, could he be subject to prosecution?

Sauer: If he were impeached and convicted first.

Pan: So your answer no.

Sauer: My answer is a qualified yes.

Pan: I have asked you a series of hypotheticals about criminal actions that could be taken by a president and could be considered official acts and have asked you, would such a president be subject to prosecution if he’s not impeached or convicted, and your yes or no answer is “no.”

Sauer: I believe my answer was a qualified yes if he’s impeached or convicted first.

Pan: My question was, so he’s not impeached or convicted, let’s put that aside. You’re saying a president could sell pardons, could sell military secrets, could order SEAL Team Six to assassinate a political rival.

Sauer: Those are very extreme examples of potential official acts.

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The rest of Sauer’s morning did not go much better than that. Everyone agreed that the president can lose his “absolute immunity” protection under specific circumstances—including, as Sauer conceded, in the case of an impeachment and conviction. That means, Judge Pan pointed out, that the immunity principle was not actually “absolute.” Sauer rejected that framing, but did not really have a good argument in response.

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It was also repeatedly pointed out to Sauer that President Richard Nixon resigned from office without being impeached or convicted, but still faced prosecution for his actions related to the Watergate burglary and cover-up while in office. Sure, he ultimately accepted a full pardon from President Gerald Ford in the case, but the relevant part here is that former presidents can be prosecuted.

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Sauer did try to carve out a distinction between Nixon and Trump by arguing that Nixon’s alleged crimes did not involve the office of the presidency. “President Nixon was accused of a wide range of purely private conduct, and he was facing potential indictment for that at the time the pardon was issued,” Sauer said. “Nobody has contended that the president is immune for purely private conduct.”

However, as James Pearce, who argued the case on behalf of the Department of Justice, pointed out: “Nixon was not about private conduct. Nixon was about, among other things, using the CIA to try to interfere with an FBI investigation.” As Pearce put it, “At least since the Watergate era 50 years ago, has there been widespread societal recognition, including by presidents and the executive branch, that a former president is subject to criminal prosecution.”

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The last argument Judge Henderson and Pan both intensely questioned Sauer on is perhaps the most ridiculous (if you can imagine one more outlandish than what we’ve already been through). The two judges noted that Trump’s legal team made the exact opposite argument about the impeachment clause’s supposed prohibition on prosecutions of former presidents during his 2021 impeachment trial over the conduct in question. As I noted in Slate when the motion to dismiss the case on immunity grounds was first filed back in October—and as Pan noted at Tuesday’s arguments—during that impeachment trial, Trump’s legal team argued that the only appropriate venue for trying any Jan. 6 case was the criminal legal system, not a congressional impeachment proceeding. “The Constitution expressly provides in Article I, Section 3, Clause 7 that a convicted party, following impeachment, ‘shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law,’ ” Trump’s attorney noted at the time. “Clearly, a former civil officer who is not impeached is subject to the same.”

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Judge Pan suggested Trump had switched positions based on personal convenience. “You took the position, or your client did, during the impeachment proceedings, that there would be an option for criminal prosecution later. And it’s in the Congressional Record, and I guess the question is what has changed, or why have you changed your position?” she asked Sauer. At this, Sauer simply denied that clear statements from the Congressional Record were actually Trump’s previous legal positions, saying, “I wouldn’t agree with that characterization of the statements in the Congressional Record.”

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Ultimately in this case, Trump’s attorneys are once again in the unenviable position of arguing a maximalist position with far-reaching and horrifying implications in order to defend the outrageous conduct of their client. If these are the arguments Trump plans to bring to the Supreme Court, it will be virtually impossible for the justices to justify siding with Trump and against his criminal accountability for Jan. 6. We’ll see how far these justices are willing to bend the law for Trump if and when the case reaches them, or if this display was enough to quash these absurd stances.

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No One Is Buying What Trump’s Legal Team Is Selling When It Comes to Immunity

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10.01.2024
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On Tuesday, former President Donald Trump’s attorneys tried to convince a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit that their client is entitled to “absolute immunity” from criminal prosecution for the actions he took while in office related to Jan. 6 and his efforts to steal the 2020 election. Their argument? That Trump was president, so it doesn’t matter. The three judges did not seem impressed. They are poised to rule against Trump, which could free special counsel Jack Smith’s prosecution of Trump from a temporary hold. The effort is the most important legal challenge to Smith’s case.

If the D.C. Circuit rules speedily enough and directs the case back to Judge Tanya Chutkan’s courtroom, then the Jan. 6 criminal trial against Trump can resume relatively close to its initial schedule of a spring trial date. That is, unless the Supreme Court steps in, which will add additional delay. Even in that instance, though, the high court can—as it has already done on the question of Trump’s qualification for the 2024 presidential ballot—move on an expedited basis to allow the trial to go forward well in advance of November’s election. With candidate Trump having already telegraphed his intention to use a return to office to claim the powers of a “dictator,” it’s no exaggeration to say that these cases could determine whether constitutional democracy as the United States has known it lives or dies.

During Tuesday’s arguments, the D.C. Circuit panel consistently pointed to the horrific implications of Trump’s immunity argument. If Trump’s argument holds, that also means that a president could take bribes to issue pardons, sell military secrets to America’s enemies, or order a military assassination of a political rival and never face prosecution—just so long as he left office before being impeached and convicted.

As Judge Karen L. Henderson, a Republican appointee who has sided with Trump allies in previous cases involving the former president, put it: “I think it’s paradoxical to say that [a president’s] constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed allows him to violate criminal laws.”

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Principally at issue in the case is whether or not the president has absolute immunity from prosecution for allegedly criminal actions if he insists those actions were taken as part of his official duties. His team allows that under this wild interpretation of presidential immunity, the only opportunity for consequences is if the president is impeached and convicted for the........

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