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This past week, Texas resident Kate Cox tried to terminate a nonviable pregnancy that would—according to her physician—imperil her ability to become pregnant in the future. Her physician, facing an interlocking set of incoherent state laws, asked a court to determine whether a good-faith exception to Texas’ abortion regulation would allow an abortion; a lower court granted that exception. Then, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton took it upon himself to intervene, threatening both Cox’s physicians and the hospitals at which she had admitting privileges with criminal sanctions, including 99 years of jail time and loss of licensure, if anyone aided Cox in terminating a pregnancy that had already driven her to an emergency room four times, and that could not possibly result in a viable birth. The Texas Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision last week, held that while physicians and not judges should have the last word on exigent maternal health matters, in this instance the judges of Texas would have the last word on this matter, and that Cox’s physician’s good-faith belief that her patient needed to terminate her pregnancy was not quite good-faith enough for Texas.

Last summer, Amanda Zurawski and a number of plaintiffs sued to have Texas clarify its inscrutable and malleable “exception” rule, that, as it currently stands, does not seem to allow many exceptions at all, and instead threatens all abortion providers with losing their licenses, paying extortionate fines, and going to prison for 99 years if they help their clients access such care. That case went to the Texas Supreme Court on the same day Kate Cox learned that her baby would die of trisomy 18, the week before the Texas courts forced her to travel out of state to terminate her pregnancy.

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On Amicus this week, Amanda Zurawski, the lead plaintiff in that ongoing Texas lawsuit, and one of her lawyers, Jamie Levitt, of Morrison and Foerster, who joined with the Center for Reproductive Rights to protect the rights of women in Texas, joined the show. Our conversation, lightly edited for clarity, follows.

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Dahlia Lithwick: Right before we jumped on to tape today’s show, I was reflecting to Jamie that during my own pregnancy loss, I couldn’t move or get out of bed or answer the phone. I was in so much pain and so sad and so terrified. And Jamie, it raises this question for me that you’ve been battling the state of Texas on, which is the standing question. This issue, which goes all the way to the Supreme Court, is that everyone wants to suggest that nobody has standing to bring this litigation because Amanda has already had her cognizable harm and injury. So she doesn’t have standing, the physicians don’t have standing [because the harm has happened], and then, presumably, we finally have somebody with standing—Kate Cox.

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Jamie Levitt: The irony is definitely rich here. So, the state doesn’t want these cases to be heard. That’s very clear. We believe that they’re wrong from a legal perspective, and we argued that vociferously in the Texas Supreme Court: We only need one plaintiff with standing; the doctors clearly have standing, as do any of the women. There’s a theory in the law where if something is capable of repetition, they still have standing. And obviously, these women who are before the court, this could happen to them again—they could find themselves in this situation again. So yes, we believe they do have standing, and we certainly hope that when the Texas Supreme Court rules in the Zurawski case, they will get it right.

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I mean, in Amanda’s case, does the state need to have a woman with amniotic fluid and blood dripping down her leg to have standing? In the Texas Supreme Court, it seemed pretty clear that at least some of the justices understood that if you brought a woman who was in the middle of a pregnancy crisis, of course she would have standing. And then we brought Kate Cox to the court, who exactly was the woman with blood and amniotic fluid, unfortunately, dripping down her leg and in the middle of a medical crisis.

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And the state’s argument was: She didn’t have standing. So the hypocrisy is clear, and the issue is they do not want to face judicial review of these very, very dangerous statutes.

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Amanda Zurawski: I want to add something to what Jamie said, just to help illustrate for folks who might not have seen the hearing or heard any of the audio, the sickening tactics that the state is using. For example, in our case, there are arguments against why we don’t have standing. One of the reasons they said we don’t have standing is because, for example in my case, I am unlikely to be able to get pregnant again. And so this law won’t affect me because I probably can’t get pregnant again. And what they fail to realize is that the reason I probably can’t get pregnant again is because of what happened to me, because of the laws that they have enacted.

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Levitt: I want to note this: In addition to passing these laws to try to evade judicial review, I think it’s important to note the disdain that the state of Texas and the attorney general’s office has really showed for the women in Amanda’s case. We were at the temporary injunction hearing in July, and I really believed naïvely—it’s a little, I don’t know, like Charlie Brown and Lucy with the football—that they would do the right thing, that they weren’t going to actually cross these women who have told the most personal, most gut-wrenching, horrible stories. But they did.

As Amanda said, what they did was they cross-examined the women, in a remarkably cruel fashion, placing the blame on them or their doctors for the predicament that they were in, not taking any responsibility whatsoever for the statutes or for the lack of clarity.

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There was this amazing spontaneous moment after the Texas Supreme Court argument. There had been a lot of discussion of, Well, why don’t you just sue your doctors? It’s the doctor’s fault. But as Molly Duane argued, this was clearly not right. The doctor’s hands were tied.

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In this moment, Lauren Miller, who is one of the plaintiffs—she’s actually the woman who did have twins, one of whom actually had trisomy 18, and she did need to terminate one in order to save the life of the healthy twin. She pulled forward her doctor, Dr. Dennard, who is both her doctor and a plaintiff in this case, because unbelievably, Dr. Dennard had the same issue. She pulled Dr. Dennard forward and said, I’m not suing my doctor. My doctor’s standing right here next to me. She’s standing up for my rights and for all women’s rights.

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And Dr. Dennard’s baby was in the courtroom. The one she wouldn’t have had but for her ability to get a life-saving and health-saving abortion. So Amanda is right—it’s important to note how these women are being treated when they do stand up and come forward.

That actually leads to this question that I’ve been thinking about, which is, you know, when you testified in July, you and your co-plaintiffs, you were asked over and over and over again, unbelievably aggressively, and I would say in the most bullying fashion, by opposing counsel, whether somehow Attorney General Ken Paxton had told you personally that you couldn’t have an abortion—whether some state entity had stopped you from having an abortion—trying to posit that they weren’t responsible.

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And yet, here again this week, we see Ken Paxton literally saying to Kate Cox: You can’t have an abortion.

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Levitt: I mean, Dahlia, no one in the state is taking responsibility for the human suffering, and they’re trying to deflect blame on the women themselves or on their doctors. But it’s very clear, and part of the importance of Kate Cox’s case is that we are drawing out the real truth here, right? Ken Paxton went out after a court reviewed a doctor who came in and said, in her good-faith medical judgment, that Kate needed to have this abortion to save her life and to save her future fertility. She wants to have more children.

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He said, no, that’s not good enough. And, in fact, I’m going to go and prosecute you if you dare to help this woman.

I did want to add one anecdote that that came to mind when you were talking about that: In addition to the blame, in addition to the cruel and horrific cross-examination, in Kate’s case, the attorney general, right at the beginning, actually accused her of dishonesty. He said that rather than being in and out of the emergency room in Texas, she was actually “on vacation in sunny Florida.” Our heads almost did explode. And what did they base that on?

We used a remote notary because obviously Kate wasn’t in a position to be going to a notary. We used a remote notary who happened to be based in Florida, who notarized her verified petition. And they took that as a sign that she wasn’t telling the truth. And when we told them, no, that’s not right, they actually dug in. It’s so awful as to almost be humorous, but it does show that kind of disdain for the real women in Texas facing real crises.

Listen to the full episode here.

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QOSHE - What It’s Really Like to Challenge Texas’ Absurd Abortion Laws - Dahlia Lithwick
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What It’s Really Like to Challenge Texas’ Absurd Abortion Laws

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19.12.2023
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This past week, Texas resident Kate Cox tried to terminate a nonviable pregnancy that would—according to her physician—imperil her ability to become pregnant in the future. Her physician, facing an interlocking set of incoherent state laws, asked a court to determine whether a good-faith exception to Texas’ abortion regulation would allow an abortion; a lower court granted that exception. Then, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton took it upon himself to intervene, threatening both Cox’s physicians and the hospitals at which she had admitting privileges with criminal sanctions, including 99 years of jail time and loss of licensure, if anyone aided Cox in terminating a pregnancy that had already driven her to an emergency room four times, and that could not possibly result in a viable birth. The Texas Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision last week, held that while physicians and not judges should have the last word on exigent maternal health matters, in this instance the judges of Texas would have the last word on this matter, and that Cox’s physician’s good-faith belief that her patient needed to terminate her pregnancy was not quite good-faith enough for Texas.

Last summer, Amanda Zurawski and a number of plaintiffs sued to have Texas clarify its inscrutable and malleable “exception” rule, that, as it currently stands, does not seem to allow many exceptions at all, and instead threatens all abortion providers with losing their licenses, paying extortionate fines, and going to prison for 99 years if they help their clients access such care. That case went to the Texas Supreme Court on the same day Kate Cox learned that her baby would die of trisomy 18, the week before the Texas courts forced her to travel out of state to terminate her pregnancy.

Advertisement

On Amicus this week, Amanda Zurawski, the lead plaintiff in that ongoing Texas lawsuit, and one of her lawyers, Jamie Levitt, of Morrison and Foerster, who joined with the Center for Reproductive Rights to protect the rights of women in Texas, joined the show. Our conversation, lightly edited for clarity, follows.

Advertisement

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Dahlia Lithwick: Right before we jumped on to tape today’s show, I was reflecting to Jamie that during my own pregnancy loss, I couldn’t move or get out of bed or answer the phone. I was in so much pain and so sad and so terrified. And Jamie, it raises this question for me that you’ve been battling the state of Texas on, which is the standing question. This issue, which goes all the way to........

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