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Between the increasingly picayune wranglings over the nature of Donald Trump’s gag orders and the cries by journalists desperate for people to take seriously the things he says on the campaign trail, it’s become ever more clear that America doesn’t so much have a “free speech” problem as it is profoundly suffering thanks to cost-free speech.

We cannot seem to stop obsessing over the historical fact that the formal architecture of First Amendment law is insufficient to constrain the endless toxic spew of Trump’s threats and dark promises or his open calls for violence. It’s true that absolutely nothing in the founding texts and theories fully anticipated the hellscape that ensues when political leaders, intent on crashing through the outer bounds of respectable behavior into straight-up incitement and vigilantism, have access to forms of communication that make the meeting of the quill and the parchment as clear and meaningful as a fuzzy bunny.

But as we expend days, weeks, months, years asking ourselves how it is possible that anyone is allowed to say what Trump says, the question of how anyone manages to tolerate what he says is muted into near irrelevance. What Donald Trump is now expressly promising is perfectly clear—just look to his Veterans Day “vermin” speech; in an earlier statement that immigrants “come from mental institutions and insane asylums. … It’s poisoning the blood of our country”; and in promises to “aggressively deport resident aliens with jihadist sympathies.” Gone are the gauzy illusions that he just wants to make America safe. Gone are the double and triple meanings that we in the press used to parse for days. Donald Trump used to be described as inadvertently saying the quiet parts out loud, but now he is quite purposefully saying the fascism on the stump. Now he’s openly calling for mass deportations and the murder of his opponents and martial law.

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As ever, there are observers arguing that Trump has just lost temporary control of his mouth when he says these things. Let’s be clear: Those people are making a staggering category error. What he says is not really all that much more horrifying now than when he called all Mexicans rapists in 2015. Rank senility notwithstanding, Trump’s word choice and manner haven’t changed appreciably in the years since he took office. What has changed—what has morphed unrecognizably—is how it’s being received. Which is why we should stop asking why the message is still allowed to happen and start asking when it became distilled down to constitutional elevator music.

Two things have changed since Trump came onto the scene eight years ago with this kind of bluster. Back then, when Trump would trash-talk a Gold Star family or insult a judge with a Mexican-sounding name or mock someone with a disability, we all wondered if he really meant it. Indeed, such comments elicited days of horrified coverage and repetition and debate. Now, when Trump threatens a law clerk or pledges to use the Justice Department to “go after” the Biden family, we don’t need to wonder if he really means it. We all watched what happened on Jan. 6. And yet, despite the fact that everything he said was so obviously more serious—because we have learned, firsthand, that no, he is not joking—it barely causes a ripple. The violence is both more overt and insane, and it also goes down even smoother in 2023, despite being more recognizable as a real threat.

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Partly and understandably, the American public has become thoroughly numb to Trump’s verbal excesses and bluster— most of his lines are repetitive and tired, so they elicit less response than they once did. But it’s also fundamentally the case that the things Trump whispered at and winked about once are now broadly and openly stated. In fact the very same things—like separating migrant families at the border—that used to be implemented in secret and denied in public are now overtly set forth as policy and justified as wins. So instead of asking ourselves why Trump openly speaks in this violent, dangerous way to the American public, shouldn’t we instead be trying to parse what, precisely, allows the American public to be spoken to this way?

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Peter Wehner attempts to answer this question in an essay in the Atlantic by explaining that what Trump uses speech to do—dehumanize his political opponents—allows his followers to become ever more comfortable with the idea of treating them like animals. The mental work required to metabolize these grotesque comments, believe them, and then either brush them away or actually believe them has become almost comedically easy, in both respects. Wehner explains the mental gymnastics required of those goodwilled Republican enthusiasts who are still trying to brush it away. To hear it played out is somehow just as frightening as the ones who embrace it:

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For most Republicans to acknowledge—to others and even to themselves—what Trump truly is and still stay loyal to him would create enormous cognitive dissonance. Their mind won’t allow them to go there; instead, they find ways to ease the inner conflict. And so they embrace conspiracy theories to support what they desperately want to believe—for example, that the election was stolen, or that the investigation into Russian ties to the 2016 Trump campaign was a “hoax,” or that Joe Biden has committed impeachable offenses. They indulge in whataboutism and catastrophism—the belief that society is on the edge of collapse—to justify their support for Trump. They have a burning psychological need to rationalize why, in this moment in history, the ends justify the means.

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Please don’t miss the arc Wehner is sketching here: It’s not that Trump is using more and more public fora to terrorize and threaten people with his gawping, psychotic ideas. It’s that the good people you see at the gym and the grocery store and at work are doing more and more and more work to convince themselves that whatever Trump says is justified by the exigent need to elect a Trump because otherwise the world will end.

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In this sense, then, asking why nobody learned the lesson of Trump in 2016 is also a galactic category error. Trump in 2016 was a thought experiment: What if we allowed a guy who talks like this to run for and secure the U.S. presidency? Trump in 2023 is a much, much scarier proposition: How many people who once struggled to condone and parse and rationalize the opaque notions floated by a mediocre demagogue can now do so knowing his full intentions and ability to achieve them, without breaking a sweat?

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This is not to minimize the important, even existential debates about what Trump can say and how we might level consequences for the things he says that result in violence. I am simply suggesting that Donald Trump is still one mediocre human who could be reduced to global irrelevance were there not an army of folks who not only like what he says, but another set that will also tolerate anything he says simply because they kind of like him now.

If you want to fret about something, it shouldn’t be that former President Donald J. Trump is allowed by the machinery of media and First Amendment law to keep talking. It’s that the pool of people who think what he says is vitally, life-alteringly, and materially important is not just vast, it’s also now incapable of shame.

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The Two Types of People Still Listening to Donald Trump

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29.11.2023
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Between the increasingly picayune wranglings over the nature of Donald Trump’s gag orders and the cries by journalists desperate for people to take seriously the things he says on the campaign trail, it’s become ever more clear that America doesn’t so much have a “free speech” problem as it is profoundly suffering thanks to cost-free speech.

We cannot seem to stop obsessing over the historical fact that the formal architecture of First Amendment law is insufficient to constrain the endless toxic spew of Trump’s threats and dark promises or his open calls for violence. It’s true that absolutely nothing in the founding texts and theories fully anticipated the hellscape that ensues when political leaders, intent on crashing through the outer bounds of respectable behavior into straight-up incitement and vigilantism, have access to forms of communication that make the meeting of the quill and the parchment as clear and meaningful as a fuzzy bunny.

But as we expend days, weeks, months, years asking ourselves how it is possible that anyone is allowed to say what Trump says, the question of how anyone manages to tolerate what he says is muted into near irrelevance. What Donald Trump is now expressly promising is perfectly clear—just look to his Veterans Day “vermin” speech; in an earlier statement that immigrants “come from mental institutions and insane asylums. … It’s poisoning the blood of our country”; and in promises to “aggressively deport resident aliens with jihadist sympathies.” Gone are the gauzy illusions that he just wants to make America safe. Gone are the double and triple meanings that we in the press used to parse for days. Donald Trump used to be described as inadvertently saying the quiet parts out loud, but now he is quite purposefully saying the fascism on the stump. Now he’s openly calling for mass deportations and the murder of his opponents and martial law.

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