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In its decision earlier this month interpreting Alabama’s Wrongful Death of a Minor Act as conferring personhood upon unfertilized embryos, that state’s high court realized part of the dream of Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion overturning Roe v. Wade. What Alito had called “unborn human beings” would inevitably be swept into Alabama’s protections for “extrauterine children.” That should surprise none of us. There’s been a robust and necessary public debate about the ways in which Dobbs v. Jackson very deliberately seeded the ground for jurisdictions seeking to further limit and even criminalize abortion, to ban certain forms of birth control and IVF, and (if everything breaks in their favor) to end surrogacy and even no-fault divorce. But the implications of Alabama’s frozen embryo decision on what it means to be a family post-Dobbs have received less sustained attention.

It’s not merely, as my colleague Mark Joseph Stern pointed out last week, that Dobbs made it more likely that fetal personhood, contraception bans, and other previously unimagined constraints on women’s autonomy and equality would be enacted into law. Sure, in their opinions, Alito pinkie promised us that the holding was limited to abortion, and Justice Brett Kavanaugh wishcast that nobody would dream of restricting interstate travel. But these assurances were instantly undermined by Justice Clarence Thomas’ pledge, in his concurrence, that the court could and should soon come for contraception, marriage equality, and whatever else had been protected under the long line of substantive due process cases. Dobbs was never self-limiting to abortion—it was a save-the-date card for the religious right’s plan to come for the rest of our reproductive freedoms. Republicans similarly assert now that entire legal systems can be organized in reliance on their ever-changing promises about whether they support something or oppose it in the present moment—just consider how many of them were against IVF until they realized they were for it this week. And also how many of them claim they are for it as they vote against it in the days to come.

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All of that is demonstrably correct—Dobbs was the indicator that they would be coming for all the other reproductive freedoms, sure. But the Alabama Supreme Court’s decision highlights another strain of revanchist Christian nationalist thinking. It’s one that is embodied in policies like family separation at the border (which will be put back in place in a second Trump administration), and last year’s challenge at the Supreme Court to the Indian Child Welfare Act, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s cheerful dismissal of five decades of abortion protections in favor of the drop-your-baby-at-the-fire-station alternative to reproductive autonomy. This line of thinking is about more than reproductive autonomy; it is a claim about who owns your babies and your children, and who gets to raise them.

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When Republican Rep. Byron Donalds of Florida announced on NBC’s Meet the Press last Sunday that he fully supports IVF because it is necessary to “create great families, which is what our country desperately needs,” and that IVF “helps them breed great families,” he gave away this darker game. This isn’t just about forcing pregnant people to carry babies; it’s also about the “domestic supply of infants” problem that the 14th Amendment was expressly crafted to redress: a sordid history of power and money and ownership of children, still baked so deeply into adoption and foster care that you almost don’t notice when the state coolly lays claim to the entire contents of a “cryogenic nursery.”

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Nothing about this should shock you, at least not if you’ve been reading Dorothy Roberts. This is the two-step wherein the state forces women to have babies they cannot raise, does nothing to help support them, then swoops in to seize the babies when their parents are seen as endangering them—a phenomenon that of course predominantly hurts poor women and women of color. The state also ensures that adoptions flow in the direction of more “worthy” parents, which means heterosexual and Christian parents, a regime also built into the legal framework. The list of people who cannot assert autonomy and control over their potential children has, in the course of a few weeks, now expanded from LGBTQ+ parents, single parents, poor parents, and parents of color to anyone who has started the process of IVF in Alabama.

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When Republicans insist that life begins at conception, and also that seven cell clusters constitute “life,” what they are saying—what they were always saying—is that we as a society need babies so badly that somebody should always be entitled to take control and custody over somebody else’s baby, and indeed of every potential baby. Because, at the end of the day, your babies don’t belong to you; they belong, variously, to God, to the GOP, to the state, and to those who want to raise them in your stead. That isn’t just about controlling women, then, or about fertility and the power to make economic and health decisions about one’s own life. This is about the government endlessly making determinations about who is fit to take your children away from you and raise them as their own. This is the Handmaid’s Tale version of religion, as Dorothy Roberts has long warned, and it’s embodied deeply in U.S. history and in long-standing policies. It is why women can be left to die of sepsis outside the ER, then be blamed by the government for having made bad choices. Their babies never really belonged to them in the first instance. And what Alabama established two weeks ago is that doctors and patients will have to make choices in the IVF context that privilege potential lives over their own family autonomy.

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Think for a moment about those families separated at the border under Donald Trump and Jeff Sessions’ truly sociopathic deterrence policy. Some of the children who were ripped away from their parents were placed with good religious families long before their own families were given any kind of opportunity to claim them back. Consider also that some of the groups challenging ICWA in Brackeen, the case heard last term at the Supreme Court, were making a similar claim, rooted in their religious preferences: a claim that they were somehow entitled to adopt and raise the Native American babies whose families could not care for them. Consider Barrett’s chipper assertion at oral argument in Dobbs that there’s no hardship on a woman forced to carry an unwanted pregnancy to term because “safe haven laws take care of that problem” by letting women dump babies, without risk of prosecution, to be raised by others.

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Every one of these examples suggests that the Alabama IVF decision is as much about family separation as reproductive freedom. If your babies are not yours, which under the current abortion regime they are not, it stands to reason that your fertilized embryos are not yours either. If you have unused embryos after treatment, you cannot dispose of them as you wish, because that could be murder; instead, the Alabama Supreme Court’s reasoning implies, the state may force you to adopt them out to strangers. It’s part of a long-standing tradition of denying autonomy and support to parents and caregivers, blaming them for being unable to raise children, and making alternate plans for their babies.

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Put most starkly: What we witnessed in Alabama wasn’t simply a continuation of a decadeslong fundamentalist religious project to conscript women into having babies, whether they wish to or not. Our imaginations must expand to see this as of a piece with an older and more pernicious American tradition in which the state decides who gets to raise your children, regardless of your preferences—because your own family is not actually in your control, but subject to the state’s seizure and redistribution to those who might raise them better than you will. The 14th Amendment was drafted in part to redress precisely this scenario; it’s being warped to encourage it instead.

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QOSHE - The IVF Ruling Is About Who Gets to Be a Parent in America - Dahlia Lithwick
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The IVF Ruling Is About Who Gets to Be a Parent in America

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28.02.2024
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In its decision earlier this month interpreting Alabama’s Wrongful Death of a Minor Act as conferring personhood upon unfertilized embryos, that state’s high court realized part of the dream of Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion overturning Roe v. Wade. What Alito had called “unborn human beings” would inevitably be swept into Alabama’s protections for “extrauterine children.” That should surprise none of us. There’s been a robust and necessary public debate about the ways in which Dobbs v. Jackson very deliberately seeded the ground for jurisdictions seeking to further limit and even criminalize abortion, to ban certain forms of birth control and IVF, and (if everything breaks in their favor) to end surrogacy and even no-fault divorce. But the implications of Alabama’s frozen embryo decision on what it means to be a family post-Dobbs have received less sustained attention.

It’s not merely, as my colleague Mark Joseph Stern pointed out last week, that Dobbs made it more likely that fetal personhood, contraception bans, and other previously unimagined constraints on women’s autonomy and equality would be enacted into law. Sure, in their opinions, Alito pinkie promised us that the holding was limited to abortion, and Justice Brett Kavanaugh wishcast that nobody would dream of restricting interstate travel. But these assurances were instantly undermined by Justice Clarence Thomas’ pledge, in his concurrence, that the court could and should soon come for contraception, marriage equality, and whatever else had been protected under the long line of substantive due process cases. Dobbs was never self-limiting to abortion—it was a save-the-date card for the religious right’s plan to come for the rest of our reproductive freedoms. Republicans similarly assert now that entire legal systems can be organized in reliance on their ever-changing promises about whether they support something or oppose it in the present moment—just consider how many of them were against IVF until they realized they were for it this week. And also how many of them claim they are for it as they vote against it in the days to come.

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