There were always suspicions, for example, of German state institutions’ fingerprints on the arson attacks that took place in the 1990s against Turkish houses.
Likewise, Turkish officials have been intrigued by the turn of events in the National Socialist Underground (NSU) murders from 2000 to 2007. In that case, Germany’s domestic security apparatus failed until 2011 to link the murders of nine immigrants and a policewoman to a three-person neo Nazi cell; instead focusing much of its investigation into relatives. Of the three-person cell, two have committed suicide and the remaining third person, Beate Zschäpe, has not revealed much during the trial.
For the German government, this is a standalone case. “However, the NSU murder investigation and Zschäpe’s trial suggest that the organization may have been carefully supported and protected by elements of the state itself,” according to an article published by the Guardian last December.
Turkish diplomats also accuse the German state of being behind international efforts to recognize the World War II-era killings of Ottoman Armenians as genocide.
These diplomats’ claims could be seen as exaggerations, or as a reflection of the traditional distrust ingrained in the DNA of Turkish diplomats. But looking at developments of the past few days, one is inclined to believe that some decision makers in Germany thought it would be wise to take steps to help secure a “yes” result in Turkey’s April 16 referendum on shifting to an executive presidential system.
How else could you explain Germany’s consent for the pro-Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) demonstration in Frankfurt over the weekend, while refusing to allow Turkish ministers from holding pro-government rallies in the country? The organizers of the march may have approached the authorities by saying they wanted to mark Nevruz, the New Year celebration. But are we........